This fourth neoliberal offensive, after those implemented by Martínez de Hoz, Menem-Cavallo and Macri, has some singularities. In principle, the libertarian believes that his reforms were voted on in the second presidential round and that, therefore, does not require the construction of agreements. The level of political violence implicit in their demand to destroy republican institutions as a condition for remodeling society It is only comparable to Martínez de Hoz’s first attack. That is why it demands the delegation of extraordinary powers.
It is other political sectors, previously sheltered in Together for Change, that They try to ensure that Milei does not sink, weaving a virtual coalition that gives it parliamentary support. They thus assume the risk of also being part of the certain failure of the policies implemented by the libertarian team, which only lead to a very strong economic depressionwith its inevitable consequence of growing unemployment, worsening living conditions for the majority and reduction in tax revenue.
These reforms always ended up collapsing because They are incapable of responding to the problems of the Argentine people. It is a difficulty that many of the adventurers who now surround Milei do not mind, as they only try to quickly get their share. But The political forces that seek to persist beyond the current situation should be concerned.
Macri failed in his re-election bid because his debt got out of hand, in the same way as Convertibility produced hyper-unemployment that sealed Menem’s political fate. Martínez de Hoz had to leave the dictatorship’s cast early due to the failure of his anti-inflationary policy and the severe financial crisis caused by the deregulation of the sectorwhich caused a widespread bankruptcy of national banks and business groups.
Secondly, the phenomenon of the panelist becoming first magistrate in two years of meteoric political projection is a strong indicator of the severe imbalances that society faces. Politics has not been able to provide a sufficient response in accordance with popular needs. nor to provide national density to the cultural, political, social and economic development of our people.
Diagnostic error
Confusing the cause of the inflationary phenomenon, placing excess state spending as its origin, in a strongly bimonetary economy, is obviate the role of the bid for scarce dollars to satisfy all the demands of society. This is an intentional error, which conceals the objective of jibarizing the State so that the big economic groups can eat all the new riches of the country for lunch.
Since the price of the dollar is a reference for all others, its increase over time, caused by its Structural scarcity is inevitable and promotes the rise of other prices. In turn, its procurement is controlled by a cartel of foreign companies that manages foreign trade in agricultural production. Both exercise their power to condition all internal policies, while avoiding all taxes they can.
Lo dicho respecto del deficit It does not imply enabling the consolidation of an expense above the ability to pay for it., but to think about how the available resources are increased and properly managed, which is the other way to reduce the deficit and generate a surplus. Above all, these are the currencies necessary for the normal functioning of our society. It is no longer possible to sustain industrial development over time that does not generate a growing foreign exchange balance.as happened with South Korea and other late industrializing nations.
That is why we can no longer think about the old import substitution model but rather about generating the conditions to export technology and industrial production. To achieve this, it is an essential step to undertake the automation of all possible production processes and reach a production scale sufficient to supply the regional market.
The possibility of a competitive industry at a regional level inevitably requires the adoption of advanced technologies. It will not be in all areas in the short term, of course. Defining those in which it is possible and then developing them is a task that requires productive coordination that the State must lead and for which it has in the INTI, technological universities and other public entities, the tools required to achieve it. It is a possible path, as demonstrated by the Finnish reconversion after the Soviet collapse.
The story of deregulation
In the same way, position the deregulation of the economy as the only remedy to overcome existing imbalances It is not only an old recipe recycled from previous neoliberal experiments but also a guarantee of new failures. Milei’s fiery defense of monopolies at the Davos forum made it clear that it is not the common good that he promotes but rather wants to open the chicken coop door to the foxes. That’s why Elon Musk congratulates him, who is after lithium, like in Bolivia, and wants to take over ARSAT.
Complex societies like Argentina do not function without a set of regulations. In any case, it is necessary to see in favor of which interests it is regulated and it will be necessary to verify the relevance of the existing regulations and promote their change for others more appropriate to the needs of the present and the future.
It is no coincidence that At the heart of the reforms sought in this new neoliberal offensive are labor relations. It is in them where the political relations of the classes articulated in the economic reproduction of society are condensed. Going back in its relative democratization, achieved with social and labor rights, implies opening the doors to the autocratic dominance of oligarchies in all social relations.
Besides, Without regulations, the potential of Vaca Muerta would not have been developed. and, at the same time, this development was only possible due to the reinvestment capacity of our oil company with a state majority. Increase YPF’s muscles to turn it into a world-class company, capable of processing and industrializing oil and gas derivatives, while forging a strong export capacity, is one of the paths to follow to generate the resources that the country needs for its comprehensive development with social justice. Privatizing it would not only be bad business for the country, but It is criminal for the possibilities of national development.
YPF is just a good example of what can be done. But there are many more. The most rapidly developing potential at the moment is the knowledge economy, one of the most powerful exporters in the country; the mining productionwhich is not reduced to the extraction and industrialization of lithium or inbound tourism.
Behind them there are others, such as those linked to the economics of human and animal health, which have enormous potential to the extent that existing public and private capacities are aligned, enhancing the virtuous link between research and applied technological development. The same as the alternative energy generation, from nuclear to green hydrogen productione, passing through biofuels and wind energy.
Along with these, the comprehensive recovery of the railway system, including the manufacturing of equipment and the national merchant fleetwould optimize the systemic efficiency of the economy, lowering logistics costs, favoring national integration and avoiding the current loss of foreign currency due to freight and insurance, which is totally avoidable.
Build the new
There is a national, democratic and popular path to solve Argentine problems. What has happened up to this point is that many of the neoliberal reforms that have been accumulating since the dictatorship until now were not dismantled and Nor was the construction of an alternative development model undertaken decisively.as if doubting the leading role that the democratic State must assume to overcome development gaps.
That prominence of the State in the planning and execution of a social and economic development program It is evident throughout the world, including socialist China, an example of a society capable of taking the great leap forward in just half a century to place itself at the global forefront.
Argentina has all the conditions to reach an advanced level of progress, following its own path, to condition of not submitting to the will of transnational economic powers and of associating with other nations on equal terms to promote joint development.
We are before the urgency to explore new paths of integration of popular forces, beyond all partisanship, largely because traditional parties have been emptied of their potential for mobilization and organization, co-opted by leaders who enjoy the perks of representation for their exclusive benefit. A Morales in Jujuy It can advance against popular organizations by demonizing them, among other factors, due to the complicity of provincial Peronism, which swings comfortably waiting for the pendulum of history to return it to the exercise of political power. Also they sixteen years of macrismo in the City of Buenos Aires They were possible due to the tacit complicity of those who do business from other party structures.
Build again from the neighborhoods, the schools, the companies, in each protest struggle, the bonds of solidarity that provide support to all popular organizations, while debating the paths to follow to recover social justice and establish a path of inclusive and comprehensive national development, is the challenge of the hour. The old or current leaderships will have to be tested in that process of mobilization and organization that will have to be followed until the national course is recovered. The resounding national mobilization of January 24 marked a defining hinge of the new stage, of regrouping of the popular forces.
One path that is now being tested is the multi-sector assemblies held in each Buenos Aires municipality. Another already initiated is that of the Multisectorial for the Defense of National Sovereignty or the unprecedented conjunction of all artistic and cultural expressions in the collective Unidxs por la Cultura, which has taken a significant step by articulating with the organized labor movement, in addition to the revitalization of popular assemblies in many parts of the country. They are not the only possible paths, but it is always about articulating reflection, collective action and resistance against regressive reforms to provide a structural solution to the social, economic and political crisis.
*Director of Health Systems of the Julio Godio World of Work Institute of UNTREF.
