© Julia Lazarova
– Even when individuals, parties, and causes are present, finding the right balance between them is not automatic work.
The analysis was republished by “Deutsche Welle.”
“A marriage in heaven,” many Anglophones must have thought when they learned that Democratic Bulgaria (DB) would support Lozan Panov in the presidential race. “Unexpectedly good combination,” the others said to themselves. Indeed, what could be more logical than for Lozan Panov and the DB to be together and help each other achieve a good result in the upcoming elections, which are extremely important for the country.
Logic often has to deal with other competitors not only in marriage but also in politics. As a result, a decent intrigue finally took place in the election campaign to bring her back to life. What and why he said Lozan Panov posted his Facebook post it will surely be studied by campaign managers for decades to come. And it will probably be given as an example of how not to act. And why it should not be is quite clear. First, politicians should thank those who support them, not accuse them of not supporting them enough. Second, three days before the election, raising such issues is an extravagant but counterproductive act.
DB goes from a discussion group to a real political formation
Nevertheless, the democratic community – of which Lozan Panov is undoubtedly a part – had to give birth to and bring to the fore some internal tension, at least in order to demonstrate its identity. And this identity is multifaceted, requiring any decision to go through heated debates. In these debates, everything is disputed in principle. Therefore, even when the DB is led by Hristo Ivanov – one of the most meaningful politicians in the country – ordinary members and supporters are convinced that they know better what course the formation should take. Not to mention the political figures in it.
Everything that is important to know about the elections on Sunday – read here
All this can be nice and in any case should be respected as a political tradition, even in the form of “Methods Lalov” syndrome. But the point is that Ivanov, Atanasov, Panev and their supporters have managed to turn the DB from an intellectual political circle and discussion group on Facebook into a real party formation, which already plays an important role in two short parliaments and is likely to be a factor in forming a majority. government in the next.
Moreover, the DB managed to make its agenda the agenda of other parties (at least at the rhetorical level): all are for judicial reform, most (except GERB and MRF) are for the removal of the chief prosecutor, all are against Borissov’s model of government (perhaps without him), all are pro-Europeans, and even the MRF and Peevski are friends of the United States. And whole new parties like “We continue the breakthrough” are built on the basis of the ideas and positions (and of some people) of the DB in recent years.
The strategy of Lozan Panov
This political weight and influence also requires the corresponding responsibility, even when it comes to figures of the rank of Lozan Panov. Among President Radev’s opponents, Lozan Panov stands out with an original strategy – unlike the others, he is truly party independent. And his latest actions prove it. The other candidates are on the ground to move forward mainly party priorities. Professor Gerdjikov seeks to pave the way for GERB and MRF to come to power. This is his central message, which is clothed with calls for unity, creativity and the absence of red lines. A similar noble cause is defended by Mustafa Karadayi.
Lozan Panov organized his campaign as transcendent in terms of specific party interests. Not only because of his status as a magistrate, there were no representatives of the DB in his initiative committee, but in most of his speeches he did not even mention this formation. Their shared cause – and here the word is more aptly used – is a type of reform in the country that will limit corruption and abuse of power.
However, the president is not a party or political center above the parties. Every president is also part of the party equation in the country, although he cannot participate in the leadership of political parties. And as a candidate who is part of this equation, Lozan Panov must inform his electorate what type of post-election coalition he would support.
Instead, Panov took on the role of an action hero who started shooting at everyone. In this indiscriminate shooting, it was not clear if the DB would not form a coalition with “We continue the change”, which are also not very clean, according to him, with whom to form a coalition then? If the BSP is excluded, then will the DB have to form a coalition with GERB and MRF?
And the issue of political responsibility
Here we come again to political responsibility. Bulgaria has voted for parliament three times this year. Twice the real results, and so far the forecasts, make it clear that 2/3 of the electorate does not want GERB and MRF in power. These two thirds are highly fragmented, with no clear party dominance among them. The DB is in this space and has an important role to play in it, because its ideological positions on the “captive state” and the need to modernize the country could unite it. It is clear that a post-election coalition will be needed, and it is clear that it will be complex. But the task will not become easier if both the BSP and the MRF are invited to power. On the contrary, it will become unsolvable.
As in marriage, so in politics, perspective matters. In the eyes of Lozan Panov, there are grounds from the past for a certain bitterness. In the end, the entire machine of the state – from the National Revenue Agency, through the Anti-Corruption Commission (KPKONPI), and probably the fire brigade – were harnessed for years to pursue the magistrate to edify the disobedient. It is scandalous that even now the actions of various bats against him have not been stopped. And it is a sin of the whole democratic community that without much resistance it has allowed such a showdown with one of its representatives.
But just as a guarantee against the transformation of state institutions into bats, real functioning parties are needed, which are an important part of the country’s government. In this sense – and especially days before the elections – what happened back in time should not be the leading one, because it may lead to the omission of good political opportunities in the near future.
A person with a cause but no party?
The episode in question may look like a storm in a glass of liquid, but it also raises important questions about the relationship between a political cause, a person and a party. All three elements are needed and a balance must be sought between them. We have many examples of people with parties, but without a socially useful cause – in a sense we still can’t get rid of them, their bedrooms and their drawers.
However, Lozan Panov risks falling into another trap – a person with a cause, but without a party. This is political quixoticism, which may be a good plot for a novel, but not much more. In any case, the relationship between the DB and Lozan Panov shows that even when individuals, parties and a cause are present, finding the right balance between the three elements is not automatic work.
But there are still three days for it to end.
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