The war crimes are part of the “special military operation” that the Putin regime unleashed against Ukraine with the invasion that began on February 24. The cold-blooded murder of thousands of people, the signs that many of them were tortured, the testimony of rape, the forced deportation of Ukrainian citizens, the misappropriation of private property and the systematic devastation of cities and towns reduced to rubble offers a list of atrocious violations of international and national legality that does not leave out a single criminal type in force. Never before have so many investigations been opened into possible war crimes, and never before have we begun to classify the information available while such heinous violence is being perpetrated. As if an entire network of justice committed to vetoing impunity had been interwoven. Although the first obligation of democracies is to prevent Putin from continuing to add victims in the attempt to assert himself before the world and ensure that “his war” is shared by Russian citizens. It is understandable that criticisms arise in the face of the double standards by which the international community has given cover to equally inhumane excesses in other parts of the world map. An evil that finds in Ukraine the opportunity to correct itself. Russia is not part of the International Criminal Court. But Ukraine should join the Hague Tribunal without limiting itself to seeking its authority in the face of the Russian invasion. It is necessary for The Hague to centralize investigations into the violence of the war in Ukraine. But as long as that does not discourage the investigative spirit of countries and non-governmental organizations. Putin, his cohort in Moscow, and his generals act on the confidence that they will never stand trial in The Hague. But either because of the sanctions, or because of the requirements of universal justice, they will not be able to free themselves from the legal protection and physical coercion of the Kremlin from now on.
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