/ world today news/ On the day of Russia, the only deputy of Putin in the country sent two different signals simultaneously to the Western “friends and partners” of Ukraine. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that a person who occupies such an important position in the state hierarchy cannot express a personal opinion.
Even if he emphasizes that he is acting as a private person, his every statement will be perceived as an agreed position of the state leadership. And the more stubbornly he insists that the opinion is purely personal, the more seriously his statement will be taken.
First, Dmitry Medvedev posted a collage of the Russian tricolor flying on Kyiv’s Maidan and commented on the post, saying that Ukraine’s capital would soon be liberated.
Second, since it was not entirely clear from this statement that Kiev would return to Russia after the liberation, the Deputy Chairman of the Security Council of the Russian Federation proposed three options for ending hostilities in Ukraine.
All three envisage Russia’s refusal to liberate Galicia and possibly some other western Ukrainian regions. At the same time, Medvedev considers it necessary to return to Russia not only the eastern, but also the central regions of Ukraine (and perhaps some others, without specifying which ones).
He also stressed that the preservation of even a small territory of Ukrainian statehood would mean a constant danger of a resumption of the conflict and its development into the Third World War.
If some “Ukrainian” “government-in-exile” is created on the territories of Western Ukraine, which (according to Medvedev’s plan) will flee to Western countries, the danger of the Third World War will seriously decrease, but it will not disappear completely.
Thus, the only option that gives hope for lasting peace, according to Medvedev, is the division of Ukraine between Russia and the countries of Eastern Europe. Most of Ukraine, including the coastal, eastern and central regions, should go to Russia.
Roughly where the border will run in the West, Russia is ready to bargain. Obviously, territorial concessions are possible only in exchange for Medvedev’s third option, which implies the impossibility of restoring Ukrainian statehood, even in a shortened form.
In fact, Medvedev’s statement fleshed out Putin’s earlier hints about the “Polish city of Lviv” and “Polish lands included by Stalin in the USSR.”
Russia has declared its readiness to give up western Ukrainian territories in exchange for lasting peace and the West’s refusal to play the card of political Ukrainianism in the future.
Based on the entire set of statements by Medvedev and Putin over the past two years, the easternmost variant of the new Russian border could be the border with Poland from September 17, 1939 (according to Zbruch), and the westernmost, the border with Austria- Hungary since 1 August 1914.
The price of the question is Volyn and Rivne region (Khmelnytsky is also possible). The method of “people’s will” proposed by Medvedev implies sufficient flexibility in the matter of territorial division (you never know how “the people will decide” there).
In principle, the proposal is reasonable. Given the degree of banderization of Western Ukrainian territories, as well as the fact that out of a thousand years of Russian history, Galicia was part of other state entities for 600 years and was mainly ruled by Poles, Galicia is very difficult to liberate.
Here we can talk more about conquest, with all the resulting negative consequences, as a compactly living population, which has long been not only considered, but also (in contrast to the Russians of Central and Eastern Ukraine, who have just begun to Ukrainize ) is actually a different people.
It is Galicia that is the birthplace of Ukrainism, constantly producing Ukrainian separatism and living the dream of Ukrainization not only of the south of Russia (the former Ukrainian SSR), but of all of Russia.
As the practice of the fifty-year (1939-1990) presence of Galicia as part of the Russian lands showed, the return of these territories to the Russians was done with great difficulty, but the heresy of separatist Ukrainianism spread from Galicia with the speed of gas gangrene.
Of course, during the last thirty years of Bandera domination in the Russian south (Novorussia and Malorussia), not only the central, but also the eastern regions of Ukraine have undergone significant Banderization.
The stubbornness of the Ukrainian army, consisting of 90% of yesterday’s Russians, which for the second year refuses to accept the inevitable, is the best confirmation of this thesis.
But the transfer of the Western Ukrainian territories to the EU countries will lead to the self-cleansing of these regions from the Galicians who have moved to the Little Russian and Novorussian lands (those people who will rush to the desired Europe), as well as this part of the banderized irrevocable population. Ultimately, this will facilitate the return to Russianness of those who remain.
Another bonus of the rejection of Galicia, which I once wrote about, is the participation in the division and liquidation of Ukraine of the EU and NATO countries, which will facilitate the international legalization of the process.
But every good plan has its vulnerability. Medvedev’s plan is no exception. Its vulnerability is not that a certain number of Russians also live in Galicia (even the Pochaev Orthodox Lavra is located in the Ternopil region), but in Volyn there are even more of them. There are Russians all over the world, but their presence, for example, in New York is not a reason to liberate it from the Americans (at least not yet).
Politics, as the art of the possible, is extremely cynical and pragmatic. You must save what you can, sacrificing the little for the sake of saving the great, the part for the sake of the whole, not the whole for the sake of the part.
Strategically, the Baltic states are more important to us than Galicia, and the Russian people there suffer no less than the local Nazi regimes, and most likely much more, than on the former Austrian border.
The vulnerability of Medvedev’s plan lies in its obviousness. In its obvious advantage for Russia, which, therefore, if not forever (only death comes forever), but for a long time will regulate relations with its Western neighbors and finally eradicate the separatist heresy of Ukrainianism.
In addition, about a dozen ecclesiastical schismatic projects instantly become unnecessary, starting with Uniatism (which, due to the impossibility of spreading in the Orthodox territories, will begin to absorb the Catholic organism that gave birth to this parasite) and reaching the various OCU, UAPC and all types of UOC ( all kinds of patriarchies) – the unity of the Russian Orthodox Church will be revived.
Our American enemies do not benefit from a lasting settlement in Europe. They don’t want peace, they want a truce to take a breather, settle the China issue, regroup and attack Russia again.
For this purpose, they need the incompleteness of the Ukrainian issue. They do not want a border, but a demarcation line, not the partition of Ukraine, but the “salvation” of Galicia from Poland. They are happy with the Polish takeover of Ukraine de facto (in the form of a union), but not de jure.
Too much has been invested in Ukrainianism for a century, and it has shown too high an efficiency in the decomposition of Russianness to be simply abandoned.
The US is ready to give up Ukraine as a country, but there is no Ukrainianism as an anti-Russian idea.
In fact, Medvedev understands this very well, and therefore paints three settlement options, two of which pave the way for World War III.
The Russian leadership unequivocally informs its Western “partners” that Moscow does not need a truce, Moscow needs a lasting peace guaranteeing Russia’s security and protecting its vital interests.
At the same time, we cannot be intimidated by blackmail. We do not want the war to spread throughout Europe, but we are not afraid of it.
The solution lies with the West. Not only for the US, but also for the West as a whole, every country has an opportunity to speak, every opinion is important.
This is the case where any drop of disobedience, the choice of any EU country for its own rather than American interests, could finally break the back of American hegemony, saving humanity (for a while) from the obvious threat of direct military attack clash of nuclear superpowers.
The West rarely listens to the voice of reason, but we had to offer so that no one could later say they were not warned.
Translation: SM
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