/ world today news/ This year marks the 100th anniversary of Lenin’s famous April Theses. At the time, they studied the history of the CPSU well. Stripping away the preface and copious comments, they can be boiled down to 10 main theses. In essence, the foundations of Leninism were formulated in them. The main goal of theses is the growth of a bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one. And similar to the April theses, on the eve of June 9 (the anniversary of the June 9 fascist coup), new theses appeared in the newspaper “24 Chasa” (https: //www.24chasa.bg/). Only this time the author is not Lenin, but a Bulgarian (R. Petrov – unrealized ex-officer, dubious journalist and already unemployed ex-conformist deputy of GERB). The new Devetoyun theses, however, do not have the goal of overthrowing power, conducting some kind of revolution. They serve a servile dual purpose. And it is to support the great manipulation of modern (from the last 100 years) history by justifying fascism in Bulgaria and equating socialism and fascism.
In the first and tenth theses (of the Devetoyun theses of R. Petrov) the main emphasis and goal is to justify Bulgarian fascism and to put a sign of equality between two extremely important opposite historical events in Bulgarian history in the 20th century – the Devetoyun fascist coup and the September 9 coup revolt against fascism. They are defined by him as “two mirror blood twins, born from one mother – Bulgarian hatred”. Apart from the manipulative, factual, terminological and logically false statement about the mirroring of the two events, there manipulation of Bulgarian national values. Hate is not a Bulgarian national trait. The Bulgarians accepted Jews and Armenians in their lands as equals, they lived with them for centuries. The Bulgarians, not the tsar and the fascist courtiers, saved the Bulgarian Jews from the death camps. Hatred among Bulgarians, as well as among all other peoples, and among people in general, arises mainly due to inequality, injustice and oppression of a large group of people by another small group of people, economic, social, political, religious or ethnic oppression. Shall we remember from history Cromwell, Jan Hus, Garibaldi, Botev and Levski, all great personalities who knew how to “love and hate”, etc. In the history of all countries and peoples there have been periods of fierce conflict (the war between the North and the South in the USA, when the concentration camps were first established; the civil war in Russia, etc.). And there is no reason to turn political hatred into some new national characteristic of Bulgarians.
The second thesis of the June Nine theses is that the “two coups” (June 9 and September 9) were carried out by the same people. This statement is outright manipulation. Active participants in the Nineteenth of June coup were: a group of people from the People’s Consensus led by their leaders Alexander Grekov, Alexander Tsankov, Dimitar Mishaikov and Todor Kulev; Boris III; Todor Alexandrov from VMRO; military personnel such as Velizar Lazarov, Damyan Velchev and Kimon Georgiev. The coup was carried out only by military units mainly in Sofia and some large garrisons in the country. The military carried out the coup, but the ideological leaders and direct instigators were the politicians of Narodni svoro, most of whom were captivated by pro-fascist ultra-nationalist ideas. The officers were ideologically primarily patriots, and later turned out to be opponents of fascism. The military took part in the September 9 Uprising, along with strikers, demonstrators, and partisans. Unlike the Ninth of June, the Ninth of September has mass protest movements and actions against the authorities. Boris III, Todor Alexandrov and VMRO, Alexander Tsankov, gen. did not participate in the September 9 Uprising. Valkov and others. Among the persons connected with the Ninth of June on the Ninth of September are only the military personnel Kimon Georgiev and Damyan Velchev.
The fourth and fifth Nineteenth Theses claim that there was no fascist coup and that sociohistorians “made it up” to justify the outbreak of the world’s first anti-fascist uprising. A there was fascism and it came to power on the ninth of June 1923. Fascism is best recognized by the ideology of the parties fighting for power and by their actions in power, as well as by the practical repressive actions. The People’s Agreement and the Constitutional Block are political parties in Bulgaria strongly influenced by fascist ideology. Their ideological basis is too similar to that of Mussolini’s followers. The same leading figures of these parties, led by Alexander Tsankov, created the Bulgarian extreme fascist party “Bulgarian National Movement”. Himself Tsankov defined his ideology as a local adaptation of Italian fascism. And Petrov, he will tell me that Tsankov is not a fascist and his government did not profess a fascist ideology! Alexander Tsankov, similar to the act of Benito Mussolini (1922), prepared the seizure of power by his fascist party (BND) through the organized “March to Sofia” for May 21, 1934. The coup of May 19, carried out by the political circle “Unit” prevents extreme fascists from coming to power.
A the affairs of the government of Al. Tsankov, who came to power after the coup, are completely in the toolkit of fascism and National Socialism. Prominent figures of the BZNS political party Alexander Stamboliyski, Rayko Daskalov, Spas Duparinov, Georgi Damyanov, Krum Popov (Mayor of Sofia) and others were killed without trial and sentence. Alexander Tsankov, as Prime Minister (1923-1926), ordered a brutal crackdown on the participants in the Nineteenth June Uprising against the coup. In Pleven, Asen Halachev and his comrades, who led the resistance against the coup, were killed without trial and sentence. No trial, no verdicts. There is a brutal butchery. And this unbridled butchery inevitably causes the opposite reaction, the so-called “Red Terror” and the September Uprising. Tsankov and his associates ordered and patronized, with the active participation of Gen. Valkov, mass kidnappings, torture and thousands of murders without trial and sentence of Bulgarians. This so-called “white terror” is essentially “black terror”. Victims of this black fascist terror are thousands of members of the BKP (so-called) and BZNS, as well as prominent intellectuals such as Geo Milev, Sergey Rumyantsev, Hristo Yasenov, Yosif Herbst, etc.
Petrov claims that “in both cases (June Ninth and September Ninth) the soldiers from the Sofia garrison came first.” Some monetary, age, or personal characteristics prevented him from realizing that there was an uprising (or revolution) on the Ninth of September, and not a simple military coup. In coups, the central offices are first taken over, the army and the police are controlled. In the case of uprisings, it is the opposite: first the people rebel and then they organize and take over the central objects of power. What is it the September Ninth painting? There is a widespread partisan movement in the country. Even before the very date of September 9th, there are protest actions. Those who wish can read the abridged version of these anti-government actions even on the anti-communist Wikipedia. On September 6 and 7, the country is essentially powerless. In Varna and Burgas, the Patriotic Front seized local power. On September 6, the tram workers strike broke out in Sofia, on September 7 their demonstration was violently dispersed by the authorities. On September 7, there is a demonstration of the miners in Pernik, and the police kill 6 peaceful protesting workers. On September 7, protesting citizens attacked the prisons in Pleven and Silistra and released the political prisoners. The Red (Soviet) Army did not enter Bulgaria until September 8. Where are the garrisons here? Where are the soldiers from the Sofia garrison? A small part of them take part in the final part of the uprising. In most places in the country, the partisans established the new government. This is the obvious truth, but it is outside the “special” manipulative view of Petrov and company of journalists and Sorosoid pseudo-historians. Probably, with the participation in the September 9 Uprising, some military personnel tried to stay in power so that their participation in the persecution of the partisans and the Yatakis, in supporting the German army, would not be revealed.
The seventh Nineteenth Thesis claims that “the guilt for the blood shed in September 1923 is on both sides.” Fascists and communists are equated with this. Roots and causes are not sought. Therefore, Asen Halachev and his comrades, who were killed in June, are also guilty of the September Uprising, the people who rose up against the violent seizure of power by the pro-fascists of the People’s Consensus. This statement essentially negates resistance to violence. And the mantra of the “proletarian revolution” does not hold up in any respect. The vast majority of the insurgents are ordinary peasants. And even then, Bulgaria was a rural country with over 90% rural population. Which Comintern can make small and medium-sized peasants rise up with rifles, pitchforks and hoes? And in Lopushna there were no factories and no proletariat, but there the dance described by A. Strashimirov was played next to the corpses of the slaughtered insurgent peasants. How will the worker (proletarian) G. Dimitrov and the intellectual V. Kolarov “fool” thousands of peasants? The uprising was most massive in one of the most agricultural regions of Bulgaria, today’s Montana region. Which Comintern can make the members of the BZNS rise up? The Comintern can make any decisions. The fact is that the violence of the nine-war fascists gave rise to the need for an uprisingof armed resistance. The people felt very much affected and threatened and in order to save themselves they rose up in rebellion. In essence, this “blood-guilt” equality thesis preaches non-resistance to fascism, i.e. if you get slapped on one cheek, slap the other. The author of the June Nine Theses forgets that violence always gives rise to two political situations. The first is a response to violence, regardless of the reciprocity of that response. The second situation is that non-resistance to violence breeds slavery. Should we understand that the author of the Nine Theses wants the Bulgarian people to consist of slaves and to be in a slave position?
Through the ninth thesis, the author tries to suggest that the participation in the Balkans and in the First World War unleashed some “unsuspected Bulgarian cruelty”. Cruelty is inherent in all wars, in all revolutions, uprisings and rebellions, in all civil wars. And there is no reason to sneer at the Bulgarian soldiers, who on the fronts, fighting for Bulgaria, learned to fight and kill the enemy. The reason for the bloodbath in Bulgarian society is the deep social stratification in societythe looting during the wars of the poor and middle classes and the enormous enrichment of Burovtsi, etc. mice that do not fight at the front.
In essence, the June 9 theses are manipulative journalistic material in the spirit of the soroisoid propaganda of rabid anti-communism and a veiled defense of fascism. The purposeful distortion of the facts, silence of the objective true facts and circumstances is ultimately a manifestation of a tendentious rewriting of the new Bulgarian history. This approach is extremely dangerous for the young Bulgarian generations, who already learn significantly less history, but learn it in the deformed Sorosoid version. And a nation without historical memory and knowledge of what happened cannot develop successfully as an independent nation.
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