/ world today news/ The strong and long-standing bipartisan consensus in the US Congress on military spending on Ukraine is beginning to weaken as its key counteroffensive against Russia begins and as Republicans who want to cut federal spending gain momentum in their efforts to limit or block future military aid to Kiev.
Right-wing House Republicans have long opposed U.S. support for Ukraine, but until recently lacked the number of lawmakers to threaten the Ukraine aid packages being pushed through Congress, backed by a critical mass of GOP hawks including senior party leaders.
A bill passed this month to curb debt growth imposed spending ceilings that strengthened their position and increased political pressure on Speaker Kevin McCarthy to keep federal spending under tight control.
It also fueled skepticism about new aid to Ukraine among some progressive Democrats, who were unhappy that the financial deal limited spending on domestic programs such as education, housing and food aid, while allowing for increased military funding. Now they are implying that any future aid to Kiev must be accompanied by an increase in non-military spending, which Republicans will not allow.
Since the start of the SCO, Congress has expanded military and humanitarian aid to Kyiv through a series of emergency spending measures totaling more than $100 billion. While the Biden administration has yet to request funds for the next fiscal year, Democratic and Republican congressional aides expect the next funding request to be smaller, reflecting the situation on the battlefield and the political difficulty of justifying huge spending during of the election cycle.
Republican leader Kevin McCarthy, who last month publicly pledged his support for continued U.S. aid to Ukraine, changed his tone after reaching a compromise with U.S. President Joe Biden on limiting the national debt, telling reporters that continuing the sending additional funds to Kiev is outside the regular budget and would be “only undermining the agreement”.
The comment reflected a rift brewing in the Republican Party between “America First” hardliners, who are pushing for cuts to aid to Ukraine, and traditional conservatives, who see wartime funding for Kiev as a vital investment in the fight to maintain democracy in western style.
That division was exacerbated by the debt ceiling deal, which infuriated far-right Republicans who said it did not cut federal spending enough, some of whom rioted in the House last week, demonstrating their willingness to suspend the House in the future if their demands are not met. are fulfilled.
„We have to prepare,” said Congressman Andy Biggs of Arizona, one of the Republican rebels who said he was preparing to oppose any attempt to direct additional funds to Ukraine. “I know it’s going to happen, but I don’t know when it’s going to happen.
Their stance has caused mild panic, especially among Senate Republican hawks who are now scrambling to find ways to free up funds for Ukraine within the spending limits set by the bill, or to reach a bipartisan deal to secure a new round of emergency funding then out these limits.
„We need to figure out where we can save something in the Pentagon.” said Sen. Joni Ernst, Republican of Iowa, who sits on the Armed Services Committee, suggesting that if Congress could expose the Defense Department’s wasteful spending or cut non-military foreign aid, then “we may make some progress in financing Ukraine” he said.
Other hard-line Republicans, supporters of Ukraine’s war effort, say Congress has no choice but to approve additional funding for the conflict beyond the current budget.
„I personally do not believe that we can deliver the necessary aid package to Ukraine within the limits set.” said Congressman Steve Womack, Republican of Arkansas and a member of the Appropriations Committee.
Whatever the final size of the Ukraine request, there is sure to be enough support in both houses of Congress to pass the Ukraine emergency spending bill.
A small number of left-wing Democrats expressed concern about the ongoing fighting in Ukraine, but some supported previous aid packages. Republicans who believe the U.S. should continue supporting Ukraine’s fight against Russia far outnumber the naysayers.
But passing such legislation could prove difficult for McCarthy, who faces a recalcitrant group of Republicans who oppose the spending and who have vowed to wrest control of the House from him if he gets in their way.
Complicating the situation in Ukraine, House and Senate committees are trying to draft legislation to allow the allocation of funds to the Pentagon and the military within the $886 billion spending cap set by the agreement for fiscal year 2024. That figure is 3 percent above the current defense budget, but Republican hawks say it’s actually on par with last year’s or even has resource cuts due to higher inflation rates.
It’s also far less than the amount the US has allocated for its own defense and for military operations in Ukraine in 2022. That disparity sparked a last-minute revolt by some Republicans over the debt ceiling deal on the Senate floor that put the financial agreement on hold for several hours (I wrote about the situation on my Telegram channel) as senators asked for assurances that they would have a future chance to supplement military funding, despite the spending limits contained in the agreement.
To address concerns and muster the votes to pass the deal, Senators Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and Majority Leader, and Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and Minority Leader, issued a joint statement insisting that the cap deal long “does not in any way limit the ability of Congress to appropriate emergency additional funds to support military capability.”
Any move to increase military spending could now face resistance from the Liberal Democrats, who have said the debt framework cuts domestic programs.
„Now we have a bill that sets the parameters for all of this.” said Rep. Rosa DeLauro of Connecticut, the top Democrat on the Appropriations Committee and author of past aid packages for Ukraine. This time, she suggested, such a bill would be ill-advised, “unless there is a desire to increase domestic expenditure at the same time”.
In the past, military aid to Ukraine has been combined with domestic funds set aside for disaster relief, and many congressional aides say the combination will be the model for the next aid package. But with no move yet from the Biden administration, as it has signaled it wants to see how Ukraine’s counteroffensive progresses before going to Congress with exact numbers on Ukraine’s “bailout,” it’s unclear how much more aid will is necessary.
Last month, the Pentagon undertook a comprehensive reassessment of the military aid it sent to Kiev from US stockpiles, and found that there was an additional $3 billion that would go through September.
At this point, however, many lawmakers predict that significant infusions will be needed.
„One of the things we learned is the amount of ammunition, the amount of equipment destroyed, and so on. “There will be a demand for it,” said Sen. Jack Reid, Democrat of Rhode Island and chairman of the Armed Services Committee. “We will have to submit an additional’ expense account, he added.
Translation: ES
Subscribe to our YouTube channel:
and for the channel in Telegram:
#York #Times #Congressional #support #Ukraine #aid #wanes #fight #government #spending
