/ world today news/ So, Kazakhstan announced the preliminary results of the elections (“another extraordinary”) in the lower house of the parliament – Majilis. The first result: the legislature of the Republic of Kazakhstan will be so multi-party for the first time, and for the first time the voter turnout is so low, which means that people do not expect changes.
It is not worth waiting for changes for the better both for Russians in Kazakhstan and for Russia: its representatives unanimously and organized reported on the excellent organization of the elections and the absence of violations of the electoral process.
Of course, a number of commentators express hope that a multi-party system will deliver “politics is alive” in Kazakhstan, despite the fact that the majority of seats in parliament are likely to be held by the ruling party Amanat (formerly Nur Otan).
The good result of the “regional-rural” party “Oil” and the new party “Republika”, which seriously pressured the positions of the declining “Ak-Jol”, was somewhat surprising. Several seats in the Majlis will go to former communists from the People’s Party of Kazakhstan and the opposition National Social Democratic Party (NSDP). By the way, it is precisely the dispersion of the interests of the electorate that some consider the reason for the low voter turnout.
As for the single-mandate constituencies through which the hardened nationalists Arman Shoraev, Inga Imanbai, Mukhtar Taizhan, etc. tried to make their way into the parliament, their failure is somewhat encouraging, but of the 29 deputies who entered the parliament of Kazakhstan, after the election results in single-mandate constituencies have not a single non-Kazakhstan.
As the political scientist Daniyar Ashimbaev pointed out, “the national-populist agenda failed with a bang, but it should be noted that the new composition of single-mandate deputies (as well as the recent set of senators from the regions) is very homogeneous: only Kazakhs and practically only men are included in the composition of deputies . It can be added that these are mostly executives from the public and private sectors. Some apotheosis of the past.”
Indeed, the “ultra-extreme” lagged behind. However, no one will prevent them from spreading Russophobia outside the walls of the parliament, which they do with the support of the Ukrainian special services. And at the same time famous and dangerous Russophobes and nationalists who cooperate not with Kiev, but with the Funds from the United States and Great Britain, got into the Majlis on the lists of the ruling party: the fierce opponent of Russia, one of the ideologues of “mambet-nationalism” Aidos Sarim, the Sorosoid Askhat Aimagambetov, former infamous minister of education who “cleansed” Russian-language education.
From the party in power, those who voted for the Russophobic law “On the Inscriptions”, who openly oppose the SVO, who insult the President of the Russian Federation, returned their asses to the parliamentary seats…
The Russophobia of the AkZhol party has been known for a long time. Kazibek Isa, who passed from it to the Majilis, was the initiator of the exclusion of the official status of the Russian language from the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Party leader Azat Peruashev either proposes renaming the country before Kazakhstan joins the EU and “naming the republic after the people who created it, the Republic of Kazakhstan”, or organize the persecution of his fellow party member Azamat Abildaev, who advocates a closer alliance with Russia.
As the head of the Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan, Ainur Kurmanov, noted, of all the parties represented, none proposed an internationalist agenda and did not advocate further integration within the EAEU.
„The only party, the People’s Congress of Kazakhstan, led by the famous Soviet poet Olzhas Suleimenov, which advocated the development of relations with Russia and viewed the integration processes positively, was not registered in February of this year for formal reasons and was not allowed to participate in the elections. As a result, there is a complete lack of alternatives,” writes Kurmanov.
The expert notes: “What will be the final composition of the representative bodies of power in Kazakhstan after the elections is also shown by the clear statistics on the national composition of the candidates for parliament. Thus, out of more than 400 candidates, only 7% were not Kazakhs, although the share of the same Russians among the country’s population is still 18.47%. This shows a low participation in the elections of representatives of other ethnic groups and that the new Majilis has become almost mono-ethnic.
There is no doubt that the new national-populist parliament will face constant anti-Russian rhetoric within the republic’s modern concept of “delayed colonization”. Exclusion of Russian-speaking people, de-Russification due to toponymic renaming and indirect support of the already rampant domestic Russophobia will definitely intensify.
More than a third of the population, 19% of Russian citizens (and even more Russian-speaking and Russian-cultural representatives of other ethnic groups), have no one to represent them. The Assembly of Peoples of Kazakhstan, as you know, is just a sham of “tolerance” with fed heroes’ which “have no problems”.
Daniyar Ashimbaev says: “The underrepresentation of other nationalities in political life is not a problem, but rather a fait accompli.” He explains the passivity of the non-indigenous population in their representation in the legislature as follows: “Many do not want to run because they fear that opponents will play the national card against them. And we have a lot of national radicals who are participating in the election campaign. Many “non-Kazakhs” simply did not dare to participate, so as not to inflame unhealthy passions. Well, the politicians themselves – “non-Kazakhs” – are also not that many.
Ashimbaev drew attention to the fact that even among the nominated Slavs (and not only) the majority are Kazakh-speaking. “We secured ourselves, as they say, from all sides … Many made video presentations in the Kazakh language. Someone knows, someone by memory, someone with a prompter, but in general, they try to show that they know Kazakh, so that this issue does not come out as an emphasis for discussion.
The director of the Central Asian Foundation for the Development of Democracy Tolganai Umbetalieva suggests that society “it has not yet developed the feeling that other ethnic groups are also citizens of the country and have the right to lead the country … It exists in intellectual circles, but they do not yet prevail in society. The dominant idea is that the Kazakhs should finally lead their country. Apparently these ideas will remain dominant.
Translation: EU
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How do the low voter turnout figures in the Kazakh elections potentially impact the legitimacy and effectiveness of the newly elected Majilis?
## Discussion Questions Based on the Article:
This article raises many important issues about the recent elections in Kazakhstan and their implications for Russians living there. Here are some open-ended questions to encourage discussion and diverse viewpoints:
**I. Election Outcomes and their Significance:**
* The article claims that the new Majilis is “more multi-party” than before but also highlights low voter turnout. What are the potential reasons for this seemingly contradictory outcome? What does it suggest about the state of Kazakh democracy?
* While the article mentions the success of some new and smaller parties, it focuses heavily on the prominence of nationalist figures and the lack of representation for Russians and other minority groups. How does this skew the understanding of the election results? What are the potential consequences of this imbalance?
**II. Russian-Kazakh Relations and the Future:**
* The article expresses concern about the rise of Russophobia within Kazakhstan and predicts increased de-Russification efforts. How can we analyze these claims objectively? What evidence supports or challenges them?
* Some experts argue that the low participation of non-Kazakhs in politics reflects a societal acceptance of Kazakh dominance. Do you agree with this assessment? What are the underlying factors contributing to this dynamic?
* The article suggests that the Assembly of Peoples of Kazakhstan is merely a “sham”. What role should such institutions play in fostering interethnic harmony? How can they be made more effective?
**III. The Role of External Actors:**
* The article accuses certain Western countries and Ukraine of supporting Russophobia in Kazakhstan. Is there evidence to support this claim? How much influence do external actors have on Kazakh politics?
**IV. Future of Russian-Speaking Communities:**
* What are the prospects for the Russian-speaking population in Kazakhstan given the current political climate? What strategies can they adopt to protect their rights and interests?
* How can civil society organizations and international bodies contribute to promoting tolerance and understanding between different ethnic groups in Kazakhstan?
**V. Media and Discourse:**
* How does the media portray the situation in Kazakhstan? Is there a need for more balanced and nuanced reporting on ethnicity and politics in the region?
**VI. Personal Reflections:**
* What are your own thoughts and feelings about the issues raised in this article? What further information do you feel is needed to understand the situation more fully?
These questions are designed to spark a thoughtful and critical discussion about the complex issues surrounding the elections in Kazakhstan and their impact on Russian-Kazakh relations.
Remember, it’s important to approach these topics with sensitivity and respect for all perspectives.
