Dimitris Natsios, the man behind the Niki (Greek for ‘victory’) party, following the release of election results Sunday. [AMNA]
The outcome of Sunday’s election largely followed expectations, with no significant deviations from the May 21 election. It was no surprise that conservative New Democracy leader Kyriakos Mitsotakis once again achieved a personal triumph, while the SYRIZA leftists faced an even greater defeat due to their unacceptable response, insulting the voters without learning from their past mistakes. Socialist PASOK, on the other hand, will continue its slow recovery.
However, regrettably, there is a notable difference compared to the previous election. While I had concerns about the rise of the far-right, I never expected to find ourselves with the most far-right Parliament in recent Greek history, ranking among the worst in Europe in this regard. This isn’t merely about the presence of far-right individuals, but also the representation of, quite literally, every form of anti-enlightenment ideology.
The demand for far-right politics in Greece has been steadily increasing since 2012, resulting in a corresponding supply
Among them are Putin sympathizers, conspiracy theorists, anti-vaxxers, religious zealots, xenophobes, advocates against immigration, anti-Europeanists, and various combinations thereof. Although the Greek Parliament has often been known for a significant proportion of its members openly admiring totalitarian regimes and dictators, this time we have exceeded all expectations.
Let us draw some crucial lessons from this situation.
Firstly, it is insufficient to address the far-right solely through judicial decisions and party bans. Clearly, such measures, along with the coinciding Covid-19 pandemic, have inadvertently strengthened and expanded the far-right’s influence. We must acknowledge this reality without turning a blind eye or resorting to evasive tactics.
Secondly, the demand for far-right politics in Greece has been steadily increasing since 2012, resulting in a corresponding supply. However, it is misguided to solely focus on the supply side or prioritize it. Instead, we must tackle the root causes of this problem, namely, finally addressing the formation of preferences, rather than relying on ad hoc and institutionally problematic remedies implemented after the fact. Unfortunately, we will likely need to address these issues repeatedly in the future.
Aristides Hatzis is a professor of philosophy of law and theory of institutions at the University of Athens.
