/ world today news/ On June 21, we will celebrate the 100th anniversary of the birth of a remarkable man-academic Nikolay Todorov – a significant figure in Bulgarian historical science, in the Bulgarian transition and in the life of UNESCO. Medic, with his first higher education, a learned historian with an impressive creative biography, a bright figure of the transition years and at least three decades before that.
from Varna. An inquisitive young man. Remsist. Medical Student. Anti-fascist. After failure, in the illegal nut, sentenced to death in absentia. The sentence was not carried out because he was a minor. He first ended up in the Varna prison. Then in Plevenskyi. Finally again in Varna. He was released on September 8, 1944. After the inevitable experience in party structures, Nikolay Todorov embarked on the path of an academic career. Assistant, docent and professor at the Faculty of History and Philosophy of the University. His scientific achievements are impressive. With the active role of Minister Ivan Bashev, the Institute for Foreign Policy was created and Nikolay Todorov headed it.
In 1964, Nikolay Todorov initiated the creation and headed it The Institute of Balkan Studies (at BAS). The institute is inspired by the European idea of Balkan cooperation, welcomed and started back in the 19th century. The practical goal is for Bulgaria to study the processes in the countries of the region and to prepare people for whom the Balkans will become a vital and research field. from 1979 – 1983
From 1979 to 1983, Nikolay Todorov was the Bulgarian ambassador in Athens. A golden time for Bulgarian-Greek relations. A “NATO” country and a “Warsaw” country show that they can co-exist and partner fruitfully, at the highest level and with high mutual trust. It is clear that this could not have happened without the categorical will of the state leaders, but legends are being told about the role of the Bulgarian ambassador in Athens, after two decades. The autobiographical book describing the mission – “The Ambassador – Historian” should be on the desk of every internationalist today.
Nikolay Todorov was a member of the Executive Council of UNESCO from 1972 to 1976, and in 1985-1987 he was the chairman of the 23rd General Conference of UNESCO, which was held in Sofia. In 1987, academician Nikolay Todorov was launched as a candidate for the highest post in UNESCO – executive director. After the campaign, an authoritative French publication wrote “What a pity that Nikolay Todorov comes from Bulgaria.”. A kind – a remarkable person, from an “unremarkable country”. In fact, it is rather a judgment for societies that confidently draw the trajectories of world development, knowing mostly themselves.
Based on his high position at the BAS, Nikolay Todorov boldly engaged in the noisy discussion of the “tomb of the Apostle” in those years. The issue is extremely sensitive for the nation, and Nikolay Todorov has a reputation as an objective and correct researcher, deputy chairman of the BAS. His desire to be loyal to the guild of historians is undeniable, and so is his concern that with Levski’s bones it seems that filth has been allowed. It helps surface important truths. His position is much closer to that of Nikolay Haitov. The volume reflecting the discussion was published in all academic canons.
Nikolay Todorov studies the rapidly changing world. He has been assigned to be the general editor of UNESCO’s major project on the history of human civilization /in ten volumes/.
November 10 found Nikolay Todorov with an impressive scientific, diplomatic and public authority. He’s always been on the left, and he’s always been a man of positive, thoughtful change. He never hesitated to challenge those in power when he was convinced of his rightness.
After the 10th of November, the Turkish-Muslim issue is also at the center of national public debates. Nikolay Todorov unequivocally adheres to the politics of inclusion. He claims that the closest thing to a person is his name… Nikolay Todorov distinguishes himself from some methods of the Revival process and declares himself to continue the policy of inclusion of the Muslim population. Formulates the task – now, after November 10, 1989 – the most important thing is to overcome psychological barriers. It is most natural for him to be appointed as a representative in the Grand National Assembly. The familiar, light internal party tricks happen. The elections are held according to the “double system” /each voter had two votes/. Nikolay Todorov wins in a single-member district – Provadia – he wins with almost 52% of the first round. The area has a strong Turkish-speaking presence. Otherwise, it is the oldest malting center in Europe – 5500 years old. After the opening of the UNSC, a person who presided over the General Assembly of UNESCO somehow became a candidate for the presidency of the Seventh UNSC.
Non-academic exploits at the Supreme Court
They are many in number, I will mention three of them.
On the evening of August 26, 1990 – the evening of the burning of the Party House, Sofia was boiling. The yellow tiles are covered with tents – “Truth City”. Nikolay Todorov has personally seen what is happening around the Party House. Today, someone would call these actions “Maidan”, after the Ukrainian tertype, then the Zelevists proudly called them “Gentle Revolution”. Followers of political technologist Gene Sharp would describe them as “peaceful power grabs.” Nikolay Todorov is going home, on the other side the Doctor’s Garden; there is a phone from the power network – “five”, he calls Zhelyu Zhelev, who quite by chance moved out of Sofia the day before and arrived in “Evksinograd”. It lets him know what’s going on downtown. Zhelev replies that nothing similar has been reported to him. BNT, however, includes direct shots, torches fly towards the building, flames rise to the sky, familiar Sofia faces are seen. The head of state Zhelev has taken moral and political responsibility for what is happening and for the inaction of the responsible law enforcement institutions. After the arson, a parliamentary investigation begins. Vice President Atanas Semerdzhiev reveals that he was made a dubious offer to step into the powers of the head of state, declare martial law, take power, etc. The provocation fails, and its producers are deprived of the sweet opportunity, for example, to declare the BSP “outlawed” as a “revolutionary”, i.e., anti-constitutional party. A year later, a similar production was played in Moscow, through the so-called “Committee for an emergency situation” /GKChP/, after which the CPSU was dissolved, and a little later the USSR. Well, in Bulgaria, it didn’t get that far.
Autumn of 1990. Another scandal in the stormy Supreme Court. The case may be titled “The handle of the lock, as a decisive argument in the parliamentary debate“. Parliament experiences moments of ultra-high tension, shakes with shouts and chants; Nikolay Todorov simply gets up from the chairman’s chair, gets off the presidium and heads for the door. Part of the deputies realize what is happening – the president, so difficult to choose, is leaving! We are left without a chairman! The Supreme Court is starting to fall apart! The hall falls silent. The hand on the lock is like an unequivocal threat – “I was here. Get well!” The hall fell silent, aware of what was happening. He calms down. Parliament is saved. They continue.
Winter of 1991. The slightly capitulatory attitudes that appeared in the parliamentary group of the BSP, somewhat exhausted by the irrational aggression of the “blues”, with the uncharacteristic argument “if the project for a new constitution does not work, let’s go to new elections”. Nikolay Todorov is the most categorical opponent of this view and, as part of the responsible majority in the group, prevails. The 39 opponents of the unfinished constitution are outside. The media mainly work for them, but in the plenary hall the work starts.
Spring of 1991 Chairman (President) Zhelev came to the National Assembly and gave a speech in which he tried to “fix” the day of dissolution of the Supreme Court, regardless of where he got to. A lightning remark by the Speaker of the Parliament, Nikolay Todorov, from his microphone categorically objects to Zhelev – with the understanding that the Supreme Court should be dissolved, regardless of whether it has adopted the Constitution or not. After the president’s semi-anarchist address, Nikolay Todorov answered clearly and categorically – the Supreme Court continues to work, according to its plan, and the president’s reasoning remains without consequences. Zhelev has the right to an opinion, but the Supreme Court only decides when to dissolve. And in any case, not before it has completed the task for which it was called.
On July 12, the constitutional text, already adopted in three readings, was proposed to the people’s representatives for a final vote with personal signature. In order for it to be accepted, the rules require that no less than two-thirds, i.e., 267 people’s representatives, voted for it. In the end, the signatories reached 309, plus four more who announced remotely that they would sign the Constitution, or a total of 313. The new constitution was adopted, and Zhelev and the “39” lost a key battle for Bulgaria’s path. Champagne is being poured in front of the National Assembly, kisses are being given – the MPs are like at a prom – the new life starts tomorrow /”what will it be like”/. Two hours later, the phone rang at Nikolay Todorov’s home – President Zhelev – inviting Academician Todorov for a conversation. The Speaker of the Parliament enters President Zhelev’s office and there he hears some curious reasoning. The head of state says that he expects the Constitution to be proposed to him for signature /somehow for “approval”/. Academician Todorov answers, as “by synopsis” according to constitutional law: “Mr. President, we /VNS/ are a body of constituent power, I preside over it; You are a body of established power whose mandate is effectively coming to an end – there will soon be new presidential elections. And the Constitution, with my signature, will be published in the “State Gazette” tomorrow, I have already ordered it.” Indeed, on July 13, in the then REPs, anyone could buy the official edition of the new Constitution. Of course, the sabotage did not stop. During the next 11 months, no one was found to publish the Constitution in a separate booklet.
The current Constitution was drawn up and adopted in the most confrontational, but perhaps also the most romantic period of the Bulgarian transition.
The democratic Constitution adopted by the 7th Supreme Court is actually the most solid legal guarantee for the free European development of the country. It remains one of the most serious successes of both society and the Left, and the tribute to its signatories is a look into the future. The success of the BSP consisted in the fact that it managed to unite a bouquet of diverse political forces in the name of a promising national cause. The problem was that the public had not fully understood the radical nature of social change. In a new society, inertial hatred continues to dominate public debates for three decades. Left and patriotic pro-constitutional forces failed to win several dozen public debates.
Nikolay Todorov’s path is emblematic of a whole generation of leftist scientists and public figures who built a prosperous Bulgaria. I mention “adventure” in the title. Nikolay Todorov was a man of great personal culture, but among other things, he loved adventure novels and movies. After his death, his son, also a historian – Varban Todorov, made a colossal effort to decipher and publish his personal diary – over 4,000 pages, a series of over 50 notebooks, which is available to those interested in the virtual space, but also as two huge volumes . Whoever reads them, it is as if he has completed another half of higher education. At least!
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