/ world today news/ Differences between the ruling parties in the “Borisov 2” cabinet periodically become visible on one issue or another.
The contradictions are derived not only from the different ideas and lack of a common cause, but also from the desire of some parties to use the presence in power to arrange some of their assets and cronies. This in turn affects other partners and produces a negative image of the government as a whole.
In the sociological studies, it is already seen that the period in which this government was associated with any hopes for useful changes or reforms is slowly passing away. From now on, the pink comfort period of the cabinet ends.
The coalition governments in Bulgaria are similar
In general, all coalition governments are similar in that, despite time and past experience, the political elite understand coalition culture in the same way. In any case, Bulgaria did not happen on a coalition formula, which is reached after sufficient public debate and commitments. For this reason, there remains a very powerful layer of political behind-the-scenes, which breaks out from time to time.
This was somewhat the case with the Triple Coalition, and at certain moments of the NDSV–DPS administration. Not to mention the last mandate of BSP and DPS! Sometimes it came to the search for specific institutional forms that would lead to a reduction in the conflict of interests. But they weren’t convincing either. Let’s remember the so-called Council of Elders during the Triple Coalition! It was a special measure in which only the chairmen of the three parties participated, but even then we observed the same desire to exploit the presence in power.
Illogical appointments
If the elite were reaching out to party figures with some expertise, that would be normal. After all, this is how coalitions function both in Germany and wherever a similar format rules. The difference here is that it is easy to reach illogical and even ridiculous appointments. Often in them we do not even find a mention of expertise, professional and human qualities. And this is the irritant that most compromises not only a government, but also those parties who hope that in this way they will solve some of their own problems. The parties lose out on this and will almost certainly be penalized in the first possible poll of the people.
Local elections without surprises
Some of the things that will happen in the autumn local elections are relatively clear. GERD will almost certainly achieve a good result, and perhaps better than the status quo. I also have no doubt that DPS will repeat its positions. The elections will be difficult for BSP. It is not clear to me personally how the left will be able to carry out the necessary transformations in the party in order to regain the lost trust by the autumn. There’s still the abstract possibility, but it won’t be easy at all.
As for the Reform Bloc, the Patriotic Front and other interesting political entities, rooting them in the local government will be very difficult. Most likely, the Reformers will play in all the key seats divided. In what sense? DSB will have its candidates, DBG – too, and why not the smaller formations from RB?
Within the possible AVB will register certain local effects, but we cannot expect a miracle. The formation itself is hardly aiming for success everywhere. The task of ABV will be to have a worthy presence in the municipal councils, and here and there a mayor in medium and smaller municipalities.
The most chances for surprises are in municipalities with less than 30,000 voters. The logic of local elections in the last dozen years shows that in large municipalities, mayoral elections follow a proportional logic. Parties are fighting there. Significant local players, backed by a business formation, also often appear. This gives good opportunities for independent candidates. In small municipalities, reputations, clans and clans are fighting, while parties play a relatively small role.
I don’t expect any big surprises. What has been described so far rather shows the possibility of reproducing the political influence that parties have on the national political scene.
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Zhivko Georgiev, sociologist.
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