/ world today news/ Riots, hundreds of injured policemen, burned cars, broken shop windows, nearly five hundred arrests throughout France. Is it all because the government decided to raise the retirement age from 62 to 64? Isn’t it strange considering that in other EU countries people retire even later? However, this is only the tip of the iceberg. The French are furious because they are depriving them of much more.
To an outside observer familiar with the EU pensions situation, the French’s vehemence may seem excessive. If you look at what is happening with the neighbors on the continent, the option proposed by the Macron government can look very favorable. Especially considering that initially the retirement age was supposed to be raised to 65, and only then was it decided not to anger people too much and raise it to just 64. But still people got angry, but that’s another topic.
For example, now in prosperous Germany the retirement age is more than 65 years, in Denmark – 67, in Spain – 66 years, in Italy – 67. Practically everywhere in Europe the retirement age is growing.
This is due both to the increase in the average life expectancy and to the increase in the number of pensioners compared to the number of working people. Pensions are not taken out of thin air and cannot be typed. Pensions are provided by those currently working.
However, when Macron’s government decided to raise the retirement age, it ran into a blank wall of misunderstanding. The fact is that in France since the beginning of the 1980s, everything related to the social sphere has been at a higher level than in other European countries. The French are used to being not just good, but better than anyone else. The low retirement age was taken for granted. And when hard times came, and with them the need to tighten the belts, for many it turned out to be an unpleasant surprise.
The issue of pensions in France has a long history. The Sun King Louis XIV was somewhat of a pioneer here: he introduced pensions for sailors and soldiers and also, because of his love of dancing, for the dancers of the Royal Opera.
In the 19th century, pensions appeared for certain categories of employees. For example, the law of June 9, 1853 provides for a pension for civil servants after reaching the age of 60, provided they have worked for at least 30 years. But in any case, this is a drop in the ocean compared to the number of people employed in various positions who do not receive any pensions.
The first pensions for workers and peasants were established by a law of April 5, 1910. Retirement is possible from the age of 65. The catch is that few lived to age 65 in that era, which is why representatives of the General Confederation of Labor, one of the nation’s largest unions, called this pension a “dead man’s pension.”
The laws of 4 and 19 October 1945 move things forward significantly. An analogue of the pension fund was created, but the age for full retirement – 65 years – was left subject to a number of conditions, above all a certain period of contributions to the pension fund.
Many people say that the system must be reformed, but only François Mitterrand dares. In 1981, when he became a presidential candidate, he included in his campaign program a promise to lower the retirement age to 60. Most interestingly, Mitterrand kept his word and actually lowered the retirement age as soon as he became president. In addition to early retirement, it also introduced a 39-hour work week and a fifth paid week of vacation.
It should be noted that in addition to the general pension law for everyone in France, there have long been special pension rules for certain types of occupations. Railroad workers (average age 54.5 years), the military, sailors (average age 57.6 years), electric and gas industry workers (average retirement age 56.9 years) and, as mentioned, can retire earlier the dancers from the Opera House. Moreover, the Sun King allowed the latter to retire at the age of 40, and this continued for several centuries until the thrifty President Sarkozy raised their retirement age by 2 years.
As long as President Mitterrand is alive, he predicts that his opponents will reverse most of the social benefits he defends, above all in the pension system. It has been attacked from various points: in 1993, under Prime Minister Baladur, the number of years during which payments must be made to the pension fund was increased. In 2010, under President Sarkozy, the retirement age was increased by two years.
And under Macron, they are launching a broad-front offensive, deciding not only to raise the retirement age by another two years, but also to abolish most special pension regimes that have been denounced as “archaic and unfair”. Their injustice is clearly that they allow people to retire early after hard work and earn more, which means they burden the motherland.
The current confrontation between power and people is very similar to the one that already happened in 2010. Then, in March, a series of protests and strikes began, which continued intermittently for several months. The French economy minister at the time, Christine Lagarde, estimated the losses on each day of the strike at 400 million euros – with the caveat that it is actually difficult to calculate exactly how much the French economy has lost due to citizen resistance.
For nine months, citizens took to the streets protesting against the reform. 12 oil refineries were blocked, a third of the nuclear power plants did not produce electricity, and the then head of the country, Nicolas Sarkozy, took decisive measures to unblock the plants and restore fuel supplies to consumers. In November, the protest movement died down. Perhaps a significant role in this was the adoption of a law according to which if striking workers refuse to obey the authorities in key sectors and fulfill their duties, they can receive up to 5 years in prison.
One way or another, Sarkozy got his way and society had to accept the reform. Now Macron is following the same path, hiding behind claims that yes, the law is unpopular, but it is an economic necessity and there is no way around it.
Meanwhile, people are seeing their entitlements gradually shrink, and it’s not just about pensions. Emphasizing the need to raise the retirement age, Macron at the same time refuses to tax the excess profits of the largest corporations, which raises serious questions among the people. Why, for example, do some people have to work their asses off while others don’t even pay income taxes?
It’s anyone’s business to predict how it will all end, but it’s clear that the French high street is extremely irritated. And it was not for nothing that the citizens wrote the slogans “Death to the King” and “We cut off the head of Louis XVI, it’s time to do it again.” The desire, of course, is interesting – but hardly anyone will have the opportunity to repeat it.
Translation: V. Sergeev
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Based on the article, there are several key topics that could be discussed in an interview about the French retirement age debate. Here are some possible questions and sections:
Section 1: Historical Perspective
– What was the initial reaction to the establishment of a pension system in France during the 19th century?
– How has the French pension system evolved over time, including the changes made by different presidents and political parties?
– What are some of the special pension regimes that have been criticized as “archaic and unfair”?
Section 2: Current Situation
- What is the proposed change to the retirement age in France, and how does it compare to other European countries?
– What are the main arguments for and against raising the retirement age?
– How have recent protests and strikes affected the public perception of the proposed changes?
Section 3: Social and Economic Implications
– How do the French feel about the loss of their entitlements and the lack of taxation on corporations?
– How will raising the retirement age impact the economy in the long run?
– How might this situation be affecting views on the current government and political dissatisfaction in general?
Section 4: Alternative Solutions
– Are there other ways the government could address the issue of pension reform without raising the retirement age? If so, what are they?
– How do other European countries manage pension systems without raising the retirement age as drastically?
– Are there any potential benefits to maintaining the current retirement age structure, beyond the sentimental value?
Section 5: Global Comparisons
– How do the French pension system compare to those in other developed nations with similar economic profiles or histories?
– Are there any lessons that France can learn from other countries’ pension systems, and how might they be applied?
– What role do national identity and cultural values play in shaping attitudes towards pension reform in France?
