There are several that not only his adversaries could list: the cancellation of the Texcoco airport, the payment of the corresponding multimillion-dollar compensation, the construction of the AIFA without efficient and sufficient roads to connect it with CDMX, the shortage of medicines caused by changing a procurement scheme monopolized by a few, the militarization of the country under the assumption that the leaders of that establishment are immune to corruption and insufficiency, otherwise a failed strategy of “hugs and not bullets” against crime and insecurity.
AMLO has made one more mistake – in the opinion of the person writing this – regarding the commemorative events of the 213th anniversary of Independence. It may seem like an insignificant error, but it is not, since it gives rise to relevant readings in these advanced pre-successional times and volatile political and social polarization.
Last Wednesday, September 13, before starting the entire national ceremony with the Children’s Heroes act, López Obrador reported that he would not invite either that or the subsequent September events (Grito and Military Parade) to the representatives of the other two powers of the Union.
An initial argument was addressed to the Judiciary in the morning conference: “… we do not have good relations because they have dedicated themselves to acting against the transformation… they are against the people and they are representatives of the oligarchy, of the corrupt, rapacious minority… they are as representatives of white collar crime and in some cases also of other crime, not all, but they do predominate.”
Another argument later emerged from the President’s inner circle: that the exclusion in question was to avoid exposing the presidential investiture to disrespect. They were referring, without mentioning it, to a precedent, that of the Minister President of the Judiciary, Norma Lucía Piña Hernández, refusing to receive AMLO standing when he arrived in Querétaro at the Teatro de la República to lead the commemorative ceremony of the 176th anniversary of the promulgation of the 1917 Constitution on February 5.
PRI member Marcela Guerra, president of the board of directors of the Chamber of Deputies, also waited for her invitation to the ceremony on September 13 and, after regretting that she had been excluded from a civic event in which the three have traditionally been represented, powers of the Union, said he was waiting for his invitations to the ceremonies of the Scream and the Military Parade. But they never reached her, nor the presiding minister of the Court, Norma Lucía Piña Hernández, nor the president of the Senate board of directors, the Morenista Ana Lilia Rivera.
It should be noted that, despite being a protocol tradition, there is no law or regulation that obliges the Executive to invite the other two powers to these civil-military acts, as can be seen from a search requested to specialists from the Legal Research Institute of the UNAM.
The protocol appeals more to political correctness. In not considering it, much less applying it, is AMLO’s mistake for various reasons and implications: 1. He is not the only representative of the Mexican State, since those who head the Legislature and the Judiciary are also; 2. The matter is magnified because it occurs in the main civic-military festival of the country where the convener is the Mexican State itself, so that the President of the Republic is as host as the presidents of the Legislative and the Judicial; 3. Since the commemorative reason is national independence, one can only expect a call for unity, not a wrong and capricious procedure of confrontation of powers in a complex pre-electoral situation characterized by acute social polarization, of which there is no memory in the recent history of the country; and 4. The interpretation of the fact as an act of misogyny, since the three representatives of the Legislature and the Judiciary are women.
The error is not minor and will have repercussions on the political-electoral definitions of the coming days and months.
A survey published this week by the Spanish newspaper El País on the eventual Mexican presidential candidates draws attention. Their results clearly confirm the rapid level of public knowledge that Xóchitl Gálvez has achieved, but they also show an increase in negative opinions about him.
The virtual presidential candidate of the Frente Amplio por México is the one with the fewest positive opinions (36%) and the most negative (32%), while that of Morena and allies, Claudia Sheinbaum, has 63% positive opinions and 10% negative opinions.
This has undoubtedly been influenced by those revelations that AMLO made about the amount of contracts for companies from Xóchitl in Miguel Hidalgo, when she was head of the delegation of the demarcation, and the most recent ones about her “red house” without a use and occupation license.
Also, surely, especially among her possible female voters, the statements, videos and actions made by the presidential candidate, which do not go down well at all in a country where Mexican women between 30 and 65 years old are quite conservative, as she said on Tuesday. columnist Javier Tejado spent in these pages.
Among others: the video recorded in a cantina in Chihuahua on July 21 where he joked about kissing a saucer in the shape of a penis, the interview granted while lying on a bed with the journalist Alberto Peláez and statements such as “lame diary… and see me …” made to Brozo in a television program and reproduced by the newspaper “El Independiente” in its first issue published on June 3, 2023.
But perhaps these negatives are rather a consequence of the fact that his frontist candidacy is already tied up, and he has focused his political strategy on directly confronting AMLO, a president who has 60% of people’s positive opinions. He already made the mistake by supporting Xóchitl by talking so much about her. Now will she commit it?
Is the arrest of a criminal, no matter how dangerous, worth the bloodshed of a single innocent person?
That was the dilemma that López Obrador faced on October 17, 2019 when the arrest of Ovidio Guzmán López, son of drug trafficker Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán and leader of the faction of the Sinaloa cartel known as “Los Chapitos” gave rise to a violent criminal reaction that threatened with a bath on that “black Thursday.” López Obrador chose to release the junior boss, with the consequent national and international scandal.
Ovidio thus continued with his criminal activities and intensified fentanyl trafficking, even operating from Mexico City, in addition to supervising eleven laboratories in Sinaloa with a monthly production of methamphetamine of between three thousand and five thousand pounds, according to the accusations filed. against him before a United States Court, which is awaiting compromising statements that could involve capital authorities.
After 253 days, on January 5 of this year, Ovidio was recaptured in the Sinaloa town of Jesús María and interned in the high security prison of “El Altiplano”, in Almoloya de Juárez, State of Mexico from where he was taken. released last Friday and extradited to the United States.
Did time prove AMLO right after releasing a criminal to avoid a massacre? You will have the best opinion. (
rrododriguezangular@hotmail.com raulrodriguezcortes.com.mx
@RaulRodriguezC
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2023-09-17 12:32:08
#mistake #López #Obrador #universal
