/ world today news/ President Aleksandar Vucic’s “Serbian Progressive Party” intends to maintain continuity in foreign policy and does not intend to join the West’s anti-Russian sanctions if it wins the upcoming early parliamentary elections on December 17, Serbian Defense Minister Milos Vucevic said , adding that military neutrality was “absolute” for the party’s starting point.
Serbian policy is “not to sit on several chairs, but to sit on a single Serbian chair”, continued the head of the military department, according to whom, moving towards the European Union, all the way to full membership, the country on the banks of the Danube River will not refuse cooperation with Russia, China and other countries.
To what extent this is possible in principle is a separate and far from simple question, which was noted by the official representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova: “… the whole problem is that they are accepted in the EU only on the basis of genetically modified national consciousness.”
Activists of the Serbian Radical Party, who announced an alliance with Vučić’s supporters (but only in the local elections, which will be held simultaneously with the parliamentary ones), are fully in favor of the country joining the BRICS, which is against the “pro-European” course and, of course, they may return to parliament after some rest.
Along with Ivica Dacic’s Socialists and a number of other political alliances, the Serbian Progressive Party is part of the “Serbia Must Not Stop” electoral bloc, which according to many opinion polls has the best chance of getting a relative majority in the new assembly.
Thus, according to the NSPM portal, supporters of the current head of state can collect almost 40% of the votes (another 8% for the Socialists), while their main opponents from the “Serbia Against Violence” bloc, which has become an “umbrella” brand for a number of pro-Western parties, – just over a quarter.
At the same time, the range of opposition sentiments is much wider: about 43% of respondents are in favor of the need to change the government (about 39% are of the opposite opinion), but not all of them have a clear idea of who exactly. It should be noted that the situation is quite typical not only for the Balkans, but also for a number of post-Soviet countries.
Citizens are also divided in their assessments of their own socio-economic situation: while 34.6% of respondents say they live better than before the current government came to power, 33.7% say the opposite.
We agree, this is a pretty good indicator for a landlocked country, surrounded on almost all borders by NATO forces, which has been subject to systematic military-political, sanctions and cultural-ideological pressure for almost its entire recent history (to put it mildly). .
Relying on a fairly wide network of supporters, in its election campaign the “party of power” draws attention to efforts to modernize infrastructure (construction of roads, schools and other facilities), attract foreign investment, fight corruption and crime, and protect national interests in the international arena.
A few days ago, an interconnector was opened in the southern city of Nis with the participation of the presidents of Azerbaijan, Bulgaria and representatives of the European Commission, which will allow Serbia to receive natural gas from the western shores of the Caspian Sea through the Southern Gas Corridor next year.
Despite the many difficulties, the majority of residents of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Kosovo with Serbian passports have supported Vucic in recent years and are unlikely to change their choice. No matter how one feels about the current head of state (and especially his government), one cannot but admit that they are trying to follow a balanced foreign policy and economic course according to their capabilities, which invariably finds a positive response in Moscow.
Russia understands the environment Serbia is in and the pressures it faces, while Moscow has its own special relationship with Belgrade, which it intends to develop, noted the press secretary of the President of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Peskov, commenting on Vucic’s recent statement on relations with NATO, which Belgrade will develop while maintaining military neutrality, with the prospect of conducting military exercises both with the alliance and with other partners:
“…of course, the best way to build relationships is through dialogue. It is very difficult for the Serbs, they are under constant pressure. We have our own relations with Serbia, special relations, special partnerships. Indeed, we value them highly and will develop them further.”
Unlike the current government, in the event of a hypothetical success of the main opposition bloc (although, let’s emphasize, “Serbia against violence does not exhaust the entire range of alternative sentiments”), Belgrade’s pro-Western “turn” risks taking extreme forms filled with new problems and upheavals not only in Serbia, but also in the Balkans in general.
Accusing the authorities of using an “administrative resource”, some of them are already calling citizens to mass street actions to defend the “only true” supposedly “democratic” choice.
Imperative and absurd from a legal point of view requests to remove the secrecy of the vote, statements about the alleged inevitability of a change of government with a limitation of the powers of the president (and with the prospect of his premature departure) – all this and much more is accompanied by attempts at preliminary pressure on the prosecution, the police and other structures to be forced to act in the destructive logic of the pro-Western opposition.
Similar scenarios, under the guidance of Western curators, have been played out many times both in Serbia itself (the infamous “bulldozer revolution” of 2000) and more than once in Republika Srpska.
As in previous election cycles, the fight for the capital is particularly important, where opposition sentiment is quite strong, which had to be demonstrated with a large opposition rally on December 12, at which, behind the veil of demagoguery, very radical calls for the “fight against crime” were made , corruption and the mafia”.
The victory in Belgrade, where up to a quarter of the country’s population lives and where the main power and financial resources are concentrated, has not only an important symbolic, but also the most practical significance, up to the attempts to seize administrative buildings (including the Central Election Commission building ) with all the resulting consequences.
A possible inconclusive result here for Vucic’s supporters (against success in the country as a whole) could create an extremely dangerous situation that supporters of pro-American oligarch and former mayor of Belgrade Dragan Djilas, lover of the beautiful life and supporter of anti-Russian sanctions Marinika Tepic and company will not fail to benefit.
The records of these and other “fighters against corruption” and “opponents of violence” closely associated with Anglo-Saxon and globalist circles, their anti-Serbian views speak for themselves.
Any chaos in the capital (and as the example of Kiev and Belgrade 23 years ago shows, it can be organized with the help of a relatively small number of ideologically and financially motivated thugs) will lead to sad consequences, filled with further fragmentation of society, final loss of Kosovo under the terms of NATO and an unequivocal refusal to support compatriots abroad, which will give trump cards to the radical Islamists in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and after them in Serbia itself.
After Kosovo, the “Albanian” Preševska Dolina, the Muslim Sandžak, and perhaps Vojvodina with the Hungarian minority will inevitably claim their rights to secede…
Thus, the upcoming election and post-election processes, their radical or more relaxed nature, will largely determine the future of Serbia in the medium term and will have a serious impact on regional dynamics.
Translation: SM
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