Status: 04/12/21 10:06 am
by Philipp Hennig
When the first incendiary devices flew in Protestant quarters in Northern Ireland a few days ago, worried reactions from the media and politics followed – as expected and reflexively. It had been known for a long time: Brexit threatened peace in Northern Ireland, the long success story of the Good Friday Agreement was drawing to a close. On-site observers reacted more soberly. Shortly after the riots began, journalist Suzanne Breen stated in the pro-UK Belfast Telegraph: “If the story of the riots in Northern Ireland is ever written, it deserves no mention. It pales in insignificance compared to the burning riots in Republican areas during the hunger strike 1981. “
This time all observers quickly agreed on one thing: The riot was mainly caused by male youths between the ages of twelve and 18, mostly born after the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Very few of them should even know what exactly the “sea border” negotiated with the EU is. between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, which many media identified as one of the causes of the riots. There were also quick indications that a minority of loyalist paramilitaries – presumably individual “brigades” of the Ulster Defense Association (UDA) – were heating up the youth.
The fast-moving media world may combine a little too quickly. Brexit and dissatisfied loyalists – Northern Ireland will soon be off, so the prevailing tenor. In contrast, many on-site observers spoke of rather apolitical young people and assigned the riots to the phenomenon of “recreational rioting”, which scientists especially observed in the early 2000s. Rather apolitical young people sought the riot to avoid boredom. In the politically charged Northern Ireland, interface areas were preferred, ie neighboring residential areas of the “other” community. The riot was not primarily politically motivated, there was nothing else to do. This time, too, there was such an attack in Belfast, and young people attacked the police in other areas.
The peace they mean
Because the media only cares about Northern Ireland when it bangs, they overstate events. A critical analysis of the peace process celebrated in the media would be necessary in order to understand the situation.
At its core, the Good Friday Agreement guarantees that Northern Ireland will remain part of the UK as long as there is a majority in favor. For the recognition of this status, pro-Irish Republicans and nationalists were given political power. Should the majority in Northern Ireland change, the agreement also provides for a vote on the future status. The British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland will decide whether and when such a vote will ever take place.
The peace process has depoliticized Northern Ireland. During the “Troubles”, many participants perceived themselves as political protagonists with clear demands and positions, either in the larger context of a decolonization process or as defenders of the state, depending on their point of view. This political self-perception has given way to identity politics. Many people see themselves as part of a culturally marginalized group, not a political one. In a 2014 political survey, only 25 percent of those questioned were able to assign their own political opinion to the categories “left” and “right”. At its wedding in 1970, the loyalist Orange Order had 80,000 members worldwide; today there are fewer than 30,000.
Winner and Loser
In his outstanding analysis of the Good Friday Agreement “Northern Ireland between War and Peace”, the left-wing Republican author Liam Ó Ruairc puts forward the following thesis:
Republicans fought for a united Ireland during the Troubles and lost the war with the recognition of the Good Friday Agreement. Loyalists and unionists fought to keep Northern Ireland in the UK and thus won the war. In reality, however, Republicans would now see themselves as winners and loyalists as losers.
This view is reinforced by economic realities. The Protestant working class earn an average lower hourly wage than the Catholic, its unemployment rate is higher and Catholics have better chances of a good education. The promised “peace dividend” never reached either community. Northern Ireland is one of the poorest parts of the United Kingdom. The biggest economic and political winner of the peace agreement is the newly emerged Catholic middle class.
The riots of the past few days are a mix of boredom and the frustration of a community left behind. But there are no political demands and 2021 is not 1981. In contrast to the past, there are no major political movements behind these actions. As long as journalists are only interested in Northern Ireland when there is a fire, every Molli will continue to signal the start of a new civil war.
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