Women represent 52.3% of the population of New York City, according to the latest Census statistics, but that figure is not reflected in the Municipal Council, since only 12 of 51 members they are women.
While the same is true at other levels of political power, New York has seen a dramatic increase in women running for public office in recent years. The increase in candidates, many of them young women from immigrant and Latino communities, is much more visible – a 22% increase from the 86 who ran in 2016. It is also significantly more than the 91 who ran in 2006, which until then it represented the highest record in state history.
The surge in female candidates, many of them young women from immigrant and Latino communities, is much more visible in the Democratic Party. By 2018, of the 196 candidates for the state Legislature, 80 were women, an increase from 60 in 2016. Also, in the state Senate, 44% of Democratic candidates were women two years ago.
Among Republicans, the number of female candidates decreased from 26 to 25 in 2018. Only 13 of the 99 Republican candidates for Assembly seats were women.
And the trend in the country seems the same, with a record number of women running for Congress this year. The influx adds to the gains the mostly Democratic female candidates made in the 2018 midterm elections that helped reshape the makeup of Congress.
As of July, some 574 women had run to run in the primaries for US House seats, beating the record of 476 from two years ago. Another 58 women ran for Senate, up from 53 in 2018. In total, that’s a 20% increase in women running for Congress.
The figures include 104 incumbents seeking reelection. Among them are lawmakers who quickly rose to national prominence after winning office for the first time in 2018, such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the youngest woman ever elected to Congress and a star of the progressive wing of the Democratic Party. and Virginia Rep. Abigail Spanberger, a former CIA officer who changed a seat in a district that had long been a Republican stronghold.
In 2018, some 256 women were on the ballot in the general elections of Congress and 116 of them achieved electoral victory. That was a record, but women still make up less than a quarter of the House and Senate in the current Congress.
The Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) Rutgers University estimates that at least 75 Latinas appear on the ballot as candidates for Congress in 2020, including 72 for the House of Representatives and three for the United States Senate. This would be the largest number of Latinas to have run for the House or Senate, overall and in both parties, in a single election year.
This 2020 marks the 100th anniversary of the 19th Amendment, which granted the right to vote for women in the United States. And they now make up a decisive bloc of voters in the presidential elections.
Women have largely exercised the right to vote throughout history, as the gender gap in party affiliation continues to widen.
Harvard political scientist Pippa Norris, author of the essay Cultural backlash: Trump, brexit and authoritarian populism (Cultural reaction: Trump, Brexit and authoritarian populism), in collaboration with Ronald Inglehart, a political scientist at the University of Michigan, points out that if women go to the polls in slightly higher proportions than men in pendulum states such as Michigan, Florida, Pennsylvania and North Carolina, President Donald Trump will lose the election.
In 2016, according to an analysis of Pew Research Center, 63% of women who were eligible to vote said they would vote in presidential elections, compared to 59% of men. A gender gap of 4 percentage points similar to the 4-point gaps in 2012 and 2008, as well as the 3-point gaps in 2004, 2000 and 1996.
Trump received 41% of the votes from American women overall, while 54% of women voted for Hillary Clinton, according to data from an exit poll conducted by Edison Research in 2016.
Trump, however, got 52% of the votes from white women. By then he won 52% of the votes of American men overall and 62% of the votes of white men, exit poll data suggests.
Pew notes that voter turnout has varied significantly by race and ethnicity, yet within each of these groups, gender gaps persist.
That gap leads analysts to suggest that this election could end up as a duel between middle-aged white men, who make up a significant bloc of Trump supporters, and young women of different ethnic origins, more prone to the progressive and inspired stream. in figures like New York Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
In 2016, Hispanic women outnumbered Hispanic men by approximately 5 points (50% vs. 45%). However, the gender gap among Hispanic voters has not been consistent, says Pew.
Additionally, voter turnout also varies by educational level. In general, voters with more education are more likely to vote compared to those with less education.
Hispanic voters who do not have a college degree are among the least likely to vote. Hispanic women without a college degree were more likely to vote in 2016 (46% vs. 40%) than men with similar levels of education. This gap has been growing over time. Among the more educated Hispanic voters, there has been a much smaller gender participation gap in recent years. In 2016, Hispanic men with a college education were more likely to vote than Hispanic women with a college degree (70% vs. 67%).
The Pew analysis also found that partisan preferences differ widely by gender. In 2018 and 2019, the Democratic Party had a wide advantage with women: 56% of registered voters identified as Democrats or leaned towards the Democratic Party, while 38% identified as Republican or leaned towards the Republican Party . This is in contrast to men, of whom 50% were Republicans or GOP supporters and 42% identified with or favored Democrats. And that gender gap has been widening since 2014.
Among Hispanic voters, the majority of women and men identify as Democrats, but this is especially the case among Hispanic women (67% identified as Democrats vs. 58% of Hispanic men in 2018 and 2019).
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