The young deputy shared screenshots of each page of the official projects and denounced that they are “attempts at impunity” that do not correspond to the “president’s agenda.” “I will not allow laws to be manipulated behind Milei’s back,” she denounced.
After sharing on her X account the details of how the visit of the libertarian deputies to the genocidaires imprisoned in Ezeiza was organized, Lourdes Arrieta deepened the crisis of the bloc, by publishing this Sunday night the “bills and the regulatory decree proposed by the members of the Whatsapp group (LLA deputies), to force the judges to release the genocidaires.” These are projects that seek to shorten the term to condemn crimes to a maximum of 25 years and to enable them “progressive mechanisms of early release.”
With her expulsion from “the forces of heaven” considered certain, the young deputy continues to air the internal issues of the WhatsApp group that was created in February by libertarian deputies together with Father Javier Olivera Ravasi, son of Major Jorge Antonio Olivera, who is under house arrest for having participated in crimes against humanity and having been a fugitive for four years.
In this way, Arrieta created different threads on X (formerly Twitter) with screenshots of each page of the official projects, and denounced his colleagues: “Attempt to ensure impunity for those responsible for crimes against humanity. THIS IS NOT THE AGENDA OF THE PRESIDENT @JMilei. I am absolutely clear that these projects have nothing to do with the ideals of freedom. I will not allow laws to be manipulated behind Milei’s back,” he said.
Arrieta had already published a very long thread late on Saturday in which he described the logistics of the legislators’ visit to Ezeiza, initiated because, according to Father Ravasi, “the Court (Lorenzetti, above all) is revoking one after another all the house arrests that the lower courts had granted” to the genocides in order to “continue with the typical Marxist dialectic.” Because of this matter, they added to the WhatsApp group the lawyers Ricardo Saint Jean and Laura Olea and the “former judge of the Court of Cassation dismissed for alleged bribery and linked to SIDE agents, Eduardo Riggi,” explained Arrieta.
“Olea sent two bills, which these lawyers had given to Torello, in order to regulate the reasonable time of the processes and modify the Law of Penal Execution, the Penal Code and Penal Procedure; and a regulatory decree to include cases of crimes against humanity,” the deputy added. The religious later added to the group “two specialists in the subject: Dr. Frola and Dr. Munilla” and indicated that “the project has the purpose of forcing judges to grant house arrest.” He elaborated on these matters in his new statement on Sunday night.
What the projects disclosed by Arrieta say: denialism, impunity and the open door to a new military coup
In one of the projects disclosed by Arrieta, it is argued that since the right to life “is at risk throughout the country due to insecurity caused by the growth of criminality and the scourge of narcoterrorism, it is particularly essential to decongest the work of the federal courts” to improve the administration of justice. Therefore, it is sought that “regardless of the criteria that each National or Federal Court establishes regarding the time in which the guarantee of the trial of a person within a reasonable period of time must operate, or that the rights of citizens be determined within a reasonable period of time, the maximum period that the State will have to reach a definitive sentence in the substantiation of any criminal accusation formulated against a person is set at twenty-five years.”
Strikingly, this draft decree (that is, if it is promulgated it should be signed by the President of the Nation) includes that “the term will be effective from the date of commission of the offense or from the age of majority if the victim is a minor, and its calculation will be suspended in the event that the Nation suffers the interruption of democratic life through the illegal deposition of the authorities of its three Powers.” “Once the maximum period established has expired, the criminal action will be extinguished due to non-existence in accordance with the guarantee established by the doctrine of our Court,” it adds.
The 25-year maximum term would not apply “in favour of persons who are fugitives from justice or who have been declared rebels in the proceedings.” The “reasonable term” project insists on “the right of those accused of crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes to be judged without undue delay,” given that “there is no way to strengthen justice and consolidate internal peace if it is not through unrestricted respect for the constitutional guarantees that protect everyone equally without discrimination of any kind.” It then argues that there is discrimination against the genocidaires, because otherwise they would be denied “the human condition” and thus equality before the law would be violated.
The same reasoning is used to propose the unconstitutionality of the ban on granting temporary releases, since “the regulations violate the principle of equality before the law.” “The few arguments that can be traced regarding the reasons for the aforementioned division (…) can hardly be considered constitutionally valid, since they are based on dangerous criteria, incompatible with the fundamental rights and guarantees provided for in our legal system. Thus, based on differentiations that exceed the parameters of an active Criminal Law and that are based on personal qualities that the authors of the crime in question here supposedly possess, an improper attempt has been made to grant differential and unequal treatment, operating in such conditions as a sort of presumption iure et de iure against them,” it is criticized.
At the same time, the bill that deals specifically with the “reasonable period” insists on what the decree argues, but proposes a maximum period of “twenty years from the time the State has learned, through a procedural act, of the commission of a crime, and no final judicial sentence has been reached in that period.” “The statute of limitations is related to the seriousness of the charge; while the validity of the open action is related to the principle of innocence and the right to freedom and privacy of the interested party who is deceived by an excessive and unnecessarily long process,” it distinguishes. “The non-existence is produced by the work of a State that has not been able to put an end to a judicial case within a reasonable period,” it insists.
Finally, the regulatory decree that Arrieta released reproaches: “We believe that the human rights policy is the only State policy that looks to the past” and laments the genocidaires who died in prison: “As of December 2022, the total number of people who have been required for investigation by the Public Prosecutor’s Office at least once within the framework of the trial process is 3,640. All the Commanders in Chief of the Armed Forces during the dictatorship have died after being tried and convicted, as well as the Heads of Corps, Area and the most important hierarchical figures of the state repression of the 1970s. More than eight hundred former military personnel, police officers, members of the penitentiary service and civilians subjected to this kind of process have died in captivity over the course of these years,” it details.
“Crimes against humanity pending final judgment are only being pursued against former state agents who in many cases already have four or five life sentences, without being able to add a single day of jail time, and people who at the time of the events held junior ranks in the armed forces, as well as non-commissioned officers and prison staff, agents and junior officers of police forces throughout the country, scouts, former judges, prosecutors and, for some time now, also businessmen or company managers who are now in their 80s and 90s are being detained,” the libertarian project laments.
The regulation then takes up the theory of the two demons and points out: “On the contrary, the cases against the guerrilla leaders and the perpetrators of bomb attacks that left hundreds of victims of law enforcement and civilians, are archived because it is considered that such crimes are prescribed and protected by the law called ‘Punto Final’ sanctioned during the administration of President Raúl Alfonsin and the pardons issued by Presidents Carlos Menem and Duhalde.” Therefore, it criticizes the fact that “11 billion dollars” are spent on judging “people aged 70, 80 and 90 who have no criminal records throughout their professional lives,” while “more than 3.4 billion have been allocated to paying compensation to families and victims” of state terrorism.
This project believes that the objective of sanctioning exemplary punishments so that political persecution and torments such as kidnapping, torture, disappearance of bodies and appropriation of babies are not repeated “has already been more than achieved.” Finally, denialism is made explicit when the dictatorship is referred to as an “internal armed conflict” that “ravaged the nation in the 1970s” and “truth processes” are proposed that guarantee better results “such as the peace processes followed in Colombia, El Salvador and other sister nations of the continent that suffered internal armed conflicts that caused tragic consequences.”
