The growing Israeli presence in North Africa is poisoning the already troubled relations between Rabat and Algiers and further undermining the chances of a revival of the Arab Maghreb Union, which has been stalled since its creation in 1989.
Par Mustafa Fetouri *
Problems in Algerian-Moroccan relations always lurk just beneath the surface, waiting for a trigger to escalate into a sprawling diplomatic and political crisis that usually takes longer than anticipated to resolve.
Bilateral relations between the two North African countries have been tense, with a major bone of contention being each country’s support for the other country’s separatist movements. The desert belt of Western Sahara on the Atlantic coast is claimed by Morocco but the Polisario Front, supported by Algeria, claims it as an independent country for the Sahrawi people. In July 2021, Morocco’s ambassador to the United Nations openly advocated self-determination for the Kabylia region of northern Algeria in response to his support for the Polisario Front.
Due to these (and other) tensions, the borders between the two countries have been closed since 1994. Moroccan farmers who farmed land across the Algerian border have been expelled, further dividing families already separated by the closure of the borders. Rabat’s pleas to resolve the situation fell on deaf ears.
The negative impact of these tensions affects regional issues, making cooperation even more difficult.
The Arab Maghreb Union was created in 1989 to promote free trade, the free movement of capital and people, and increased regional economic cooperation between five North African countries: Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia. But following the Algerian-Moroccan political squabbles, the union, which had held a huge hope for millions, never achieved much in 33 years.
Even during the Covid-19 pandemic, when cooperation was essential, politics prevented countries in the region from uniting.
A new bone of contention: Israel
The latest deterioration in relations occurred in the summer of 2021 with, this time, an external rather than a bilateral or regional trigger. There was a new player in the mix: Israel.
In July 2021, media reported that Morocco had used Israeli Pegasus spyware to hack the phones of Algerian officials. In February 2022, Rabat and Tel Aviv signed a $500 million military deal: Israel would supply Morocco with Barak MX air defense and missile systems. Rabat had already acquired Israel’s Skylock anti-drone system in 2020.
In July 2022, Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Aviv Kochavi traveled to Morocco to meet with his Moroccan counterpart after his boss, Defense Minister Benny Gantz, signed a security deal with Morocco in November 2021. Israel now supplies Morocco with various military technologies, including drones. In late September 2022, Rabat received airborne systems, including drone-mounted systems for Moroccan drones supplied by Turkey and Israel. The 30-month contract would cost around $70 million.
Regional observers wonder why Morocco is acquiring so many weapons at a time of heightened tensions with Algeria. While no one expects a military confrontation between the two countries, the potential is there.
The Algerian government is furious to see Morocco buying so many Israeli weapons and welcoming Israelis with open arms. Many believe Algeria has been punished for its anti-Israel diplomacy in Africa and its support for the Palestinians. In August 2021, Algiers waged the latest political and diplomatic campaign within the African Union to keep Israel out of the continental organization. Algeria’s classic stance of supporting the Palestinians hasn’t changed in decades; he rejects any normalization with Israel, a position that puts him at odds with a quarter of the countries of the Arab League, which have entered into relations with Israel. Indeed, in May, Algerian lawmakers introduced a bill in parliament criminalizing normalization with Israel, including articles banning travel or any direct or indirect contact with Tel Aviv.
Divide and normalize
Just as the British developed the political doctrine of “divide et impera” in India, Israel is developing what could be called a policy of “divide to normalize”. The idea is to divide its Arab neighbors around their central cause, Palestine, despite the overwhelming public support enjoyed by Palestinians in the Arab world. Israel wants the Palestinian issue to be seen as an internal issue resolved within the framework of its internal policy, and not as a case of colonization.
Algeria has every right to be concerned about the increased Israeli presence on its porous 1,400km-long border, given the apartheid state’s history of destabilizing its enemies. Last year, Algeria accused Israel and Morocco of having ties to Algerian separatist groups, particularly in its northern regions. He even said such groups sparked the devastating 2021 wildfires that claimed more than 90 lives and burned hundreds of acres. However, he has not produced any evidence to back up his claims.
The increased Israeli presence in North Africa is poisoning the already tormented relations between Rabat and Algiers. On August 24, 2021, Algeria cut all ties with Morocco. Announcing the decision, Algerian Foreign Minister Ramtane Lamamra cited normalization between Israel and Morocco as a key factor. The then Israeli Foreign Minister, Yair Lapid, during his visit to Rabat a few days earlier, had admitted that he had discussed Algeria with his Moroccan guest. He then accused Algeria of getting close to Iran. Response from Lamra: “Since 1948 [la création d’Israël]we have not heard any member of an Israeli government make judgments or send aggressive messages from the territory of one Arab country against another Arab country.”
Algeria, which finds itself isolated, will naturally seek allies, including Iran, Israel’s sworn enemy. Again the expansion of political and military exchanges between Rabat and Tel Aviv has dragged the region into the animosities established between Iran and Israel, making any Algerian-Moroccan reconciliation even more difficult. This also involves Israel in the Western Sahara problem.
Abraham Accords
Another factor that has contributed to the recent deterioration in relations between Algeria and Morocco is the Trump administration’s foreign policy initiative known as the Abraham Accords. The agreements have allowed Rabat to normalize its relations with Israel, as well as other Arab countries, including Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates. In return, Rabat got what it didn’t expect: official US recognition of its sovereignty over Western Sahara. Rabat signed the accords in September 2020, and three months later Washington recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara, a major shift in US foreign policy. Clearly, this is not good for Algeria, nor is it helping the United Nations, which has been struggling for decades to find a negotiated solution to the Western Sahara dispute.
Trump was clearly determined to help Tel Aviv and didn’t care about the long-term consequences in the region and probably didn’t care about American interests. The Abraham accords did not promote peace between Israel and the Palestinians; it alienated the weaker side, the Palestinians, and made even less likely the two-state solution, which was in theory official US policy.
Through the Abraham Accords, Tel Aviv managed to normalize relations with four Arab countries, marginalizing Palestinians but also mocking long-standing US positions in the region. The United States, now in violation of international law, recognizes Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights and East Jerusalem as part of Israel. The agreements have made it even more difficult to improve relations between Rabat and Algiers.
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While all of this is happening, another trigger is looming to further complicate the situation between Algeria and Morocco. On Oct. 1, Morocco’s culture ministry sent a letter to German sportswear maker Adidas after the company unveiled its new Algerian soccer jersey design, accusing it of “appropriate” Moroccan culture in the new design. This episode has not yet sparked further unrest between Algeria and Morocco, but it certainly has the potential to do so.
* Libyan scholar and freelance journalist.
Article translated from the American.
Source: Washington Report on Middle Eastern Affairs.
