In recent months we have read about China’s initiatives to mediate in the Middle East and Ukraine conflicts, capitalizing on American mistakes and positioning itself as an international peacemaker.
In July this year, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba visited China for the first time since the start of the Russian invasion, while the leaders of 14 Palestinian factions – including rivals Hamas and Fatah – signed a declaration of unity in Beijing. Added to these initiatives is China’s involvement in the deal negotiated last year between arch-enemies Iran and Saudi Arabia.
All three developments can be interpreted as diplomatic initiatives by Beijing to address the global peace deficit, which would show that China is willing to take a central role in resolving international conflicts.
This desire by Beijing to promote global peace would contrast with Washington and several of its allies, which are sometimes portrayed as part of the problem (i.e. disruptors of international stability). China would seek to present itself as a peacemaker, which could increase its soft power, an asset that grants sympathy, support and prestige on the world stage.
The main objective of China’s “peace-making power” diplomacy would be to promote its rise in the concert of nations, to demonstrate that it is an actor that not only contributes to global economic growth and is responsible, but also intercedes in favor of peace.
In this way, Beijing would disprove accusations by some Western powers that China is trying to supplant the current international order by constructing another one in its favour. Let us remember that some Western governments and media even portray China as an expansionist and even aggressive power.
Despite the existing challenges, China’s bid to present itself as a benevolent power has the advantage that, unlike Washington (which has no official ties with Tehran, is firmly opposed to Moscow and defines Hamas as a terrorist group), it has ties with the actors involved in the conflicts, a circumstance that contributes to initiating peace talks with all parties.
Moreover, China’s efforts would be helped if a US under Donald Trump focused on domestic affairs or even ignored some international issues. As for promoting peace between Russia and Ukraine, Beijing is likely to wait for the outcome of the US presidential election. This is because, for Ukraine, if Donald Trump returns to the White House, Washington’s support for it will significantly decrease.
For this conflict, Beijing has sent a special envoy to Brazil, South Africa and Indonesia to “create the conditions for resuming peace talks.” It should be noted that these countries, like China, did not impose sanctions on Russia for the invasion.
The coming months will see whether Beijing’s efforts to position itself as a peacemaker bear fruit or are undermined by third-party action or its historic pro-Palestinian stance and support for Russia.
Jorge Malena is a professor of International Relations (UCA), member of CARI
