Miguel Angel Sandoval
On January 1, 2024, an event took place that could define a new era of relations between two great components of national life. On the one hand, the ancestral authorities of Totonicapán, and their representatives gathered in the so-called 48 cantons, who received, on the day of their annual change of authorities, the vice president of the national government, elected in our country, through the general elections. on June 25 and August 20 of this year.
The new authorities of the 48 cantons ratified their commitment to the defense of democracy, voting and electoral results. And this in itself is a bearer of hope for our country because the change of authorities leaves no room for doubt about the moment that indigenous peoples are experiencing, since they know that the conditions exist to try to build a new relationship with the central power that comes from being ratified.
In another perspective, the delegation of the elected government, headed by Vice President Karen Herrera, made an explicit recognition of the importance that the participation of indigenous peoples has had and has. Perhaps a little more punctuality was necessary in the recognitions, but to a good connoisseur, few words. To the extent that the dinosaur right is already on social media with its sword drawn, as they consider the level of the new government’s visit to the investiture ceremony of the new authorities of the 48 cantons of Totonicapan unacceptable.
At the time of writing these notes, I see a document addressed to the vice presidency of the republic and the leadership of the Semilla movement, which is literally titled: “First steps towards co-governance in our own territory. There are programmatic axes and mechanisms towards the fullness of life of the People.” In the list of groups that subscribe to the document there is a relevant absence: it is that of the main animators of the indigenous uprising that since October has taken place in all the discussions in the country..
I am referring to the indigenous mayors and centrally to the 48 cantons, which constitute the social force that within the framework of the uprising gave perspective, not only to the elected duo, but mainly to the entire Guatemalan society. The proposal I refer to follows up on others that have already occurred in previous months. It would not be beyond analysis to point out that since the signing of the agreement on identity and rights of indigenous peoples – AIDPI -, there have been diverse proposals, with more or less social support, with more or less political meaning. But without a doubt, except for the exceptional situation of the signing of peace, there has not been another moment like the current one that allows us to make proposals and think about a new direction for the relations between power and indigenous peoples. It is clear that we will have to wait for the specific policies of the new government in order to establish the direction that relations between indigenous peoples and the central government will have.
When I talk about a new era, for reasons that those of us who live intensely in 2023 cannot escape. The first thing in time was the very surprising electoral victory of the Arévalo-Herrera duo promoted by the Semilla party. And then all the imaginable maneuvers to try to prevent the electoral victory of the winning duo from culminating in the assumption of power by the legitimate winners of an election with many anomalies, it is true, but against all odds, which, furthermore, were won. categorically.
The last straw was the conversion of the Public Ministry, which, from an organization created for criminal prosecution, became the pursuer of the electoral results in a way that bordered on repressive delirium. The images of tax agents accompanied by police arriving in a rush, at the doors of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, to seize, not in figurative language, the electoral results, outraged the entire citizenry. It was the straw that broke the camel’s back.
It is in this context that the emergence of the leadership of the 48 cantons and the mayor’s office of Sololá, as well as many others that raised a national struggle, occurs unexpectedly, although announced in multiple ways, from the depths of the indigenous peoples. in defense of democracy, the popular vote and electoral results. In the face of national disbelief, fear of inveterate racists, and a shocking silence from the business sector, indigenous leadership led an uprising for democracy unprecedented in the history of our country.
Here it is necessary to highlight the complicity of various sectors with the attempted coup in slow motion, ‘because in the face of the evident illegalities of the MP, they crossed their arms and opted for complicit silence. In particular, the system of political parties, which demonstrated its ineffectiveness and the need to refound the system as a whole, since when reviewing one by one, the conclusion is that none, perhaps some exceptions, had their house in order, and the processes internal open to the eye of society.
This uprising was so important, as well as unexpected, that at the international level it was noted that Guatemala was facing a new phenomenon, something that no one expected, within the framework of the defense of liberal democracy, but seasoned with the forms of organization, indigenous leadership, and with what left half the world without knowing what to think or how to react: without asking anything for the indigenous peoples, but with a national request, headed by their leaders, to respect the norms of the democracy. It was a political tsunami that gave new life to national democracy.
Around October 15, the call from the 48 cantons, the Sololá mayor’s office and other communities and social organizations was heard throughout the country and from that count, some 150 roadblocks, streets or avenues in the country saw the emergency. of a clear cry for democracy, respect for the vote and the electoral results. What was new, novel, very novel, was that this national uprising was led by indigenous leaders and their community organizations, and that uprising was supported by urban sectors, cantonal markets, student organizations, unions, journalists, in short, all possible sectors. to mention.
It is important to highlight that the national strike in October, although it does not maintain the blockades, which had their reason for being the attempt by the corrupt to block national democracy (and this is not a pun), does not mean that the resistance has ceased, on the contrary, the most symbolic of the resistance led by the ancestral indigenous authorities, has already been more than 80 or 90 days old, and they announce that it will continue until January 14 and if necessary, after that date it has become the symbol of the beginning of the transformations we expect.
It is with this scenario that the open and committed support for democracy and the emergence of indigenous peoples, which on the continent made reference to the struggle of the Guatemalans. It is the other vector of the extraordinary opportunity opened by the electoral victory and the national uprising led by indigenous peoples. In such a way that attentive observers came to the conclusion that, in the villages, towns, cities, streets and highways, a major obstacle was being placed in the perverse judicial war against democracy, which in many countries became the recent years in current currency. It is that profound movement that led some of us to conclude that the judicial war against Guatemalan democracy had been defeated.
When taking stock of what happened in the month of October, one or more conclusions can be reached. The first is that with the national uprising, a kind of invisible curtain that separated the west from the east, or the most urban areas of the country, was broken. That the idea of a society divided into indigenous and ladino tobacco shops fell apart. That racism received a mortal blow, and that Guatemalan democracy was nourished by a flow of new blood, which came from the indigenous peoples. It is said quickly, but we have not yet seen its deepest consequences.
This flow of new blood in the country’s democratic struggle has a man and a surname. It was headed by the indigenous peoples with the leadership of their ancestral authorities, to which other expressions with other characteristics were added. What is notable is that the ancestral organization was present in full force. It is not at all insignificant that the 48 cantons are talking today about the 200th replacement of their board of directors. That is something that does not exist anywhere else in our country. There are groups, thought groups, other types of organizations linked to peasant struggles, but nothing of the depth of the organization of Totonicapán or Sololá, of the Ixil or Xinca authorities.
Of course, everything related to the multicultural country that we want has yet to be done, but the conditions exist to carry it out or at least try to do it. It is not entirely clear that the history of exclusions from the central power towards indigenous peoples will be resolved with the incoming government.
Although there is now a very important fact on the national table: without the national uprising led by the indigenous peoples, it is very likely that the coup maneuver would have been in charge of concealing the electoral results and we would be in a different scenario. It would not be the first time on the continent that established governments, with popular support, have been defeated by the maneuvers unleashed around the judicial war. Brazil is an example. Honduras another.
It is the same with the structural racism that we experience in our country, since it is not evident that it gives way to an egalitarian relationship between the different components of national citizenship. There is already a law that classifies racism as a crime, but a few measures from the central government or small changes in legislation are not enough, but a change of paradigms is necessary from education, from the media, from the integration of government teams. It is good to congratulate yourself for what you have achieved, but that is insufficient.
There are conceptual tools that could make the journey that needs to be undertaken more pleasant. One tool is the one contained in the Agreement on Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples. There are international instruments that cannot be left aside. Although the most relevant aspect of the historical situation in which we attempt these reflections is the capacity for organization and mobilization that the indigenous peoples taught on this occasion.
And at this point it is good to remember that there are a number of initiatives in the drawers of ministries and the legislative body that have been going on for years. From customary law to health policy and the role of indigenous midwives and traditional medicines. The place of indigenous languages in education if we want it to be intercultural. Passing through archaeological sites – or ceremonial centers – on private estates or intellectual property in fabrics. There are many issues and the work to be done is enormous. It is fair to say that for indigenous peoples all these issues that are listed telegraphically are just part of their demands that have animated their organizations.
From my perspective, the confluence between a government with a progressive or democratic orientation, together with the emergence of indigenous peoples with a clear democratic approach, makes up a cocktail of reserved forecasts. Without fear of many mistakes, it can be said that the citizen vote, the verdict at the polls, reinforced by the popular struggle of the indigenous peoples, constitute the cement of the multicultural democracy that we have to build in our country. It is in that direction that our best efforts will go. But, and this is what counts, with the October uprising, a historical, cultural, political dam was broken, and the political conditions were created for the approaches that are now being made. And I add, at a good time.
