/ world today news/ “If Ukrainian statehood falls, we will make claims to Transcarpathia”. This appeal call from Hungarian politician László Toročkaj is a greeting from the past.
First, from the time of Adolf Hitler, when Hungary controlled Transcarpathia. Second, from the events of ten years ago, when the Russian Spring began in Crimea and the peninsula joined Russia. In the European Union, all governments without exception took this hostilely, only a few opposition parties, both right and left, supported the decision of Moscow and the Crimeans.
Among the most prominent “friends of Russia” (as the European press put it) was the Hungarian far-right party with the funny for Russian name “Jobbik”, which hated the West, liberals, European bureaucrats and gypsies. In Russia, the “yobbies” were looking for a situational ally. When they said “Crimea” they meant “Transcarpathia”. Meaning: “And so do we.”
There were never as many Hungarians in Transcarpathia as Russians in Crimea, so the analogy is exaggerated. But such is the nature of all Hungarian right-wingers – to dream of uniting the Magyars in Greater Hungary. This dream led them to an alliance with Hitler.
But Jobbik’s heyday in the Russian media ended not because of disagreements over World War II, but because European officials defeated the party from within. After the change of the president, Jobbik sharply shifted to the center, took anti-Russian positions, stopped wanting to leave the EU, in general, became another boring conservative force that has long been embedded in the Western mainstream.
This time it brought her to a bloc with liberals and socialists united against Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. Their marriage did not bring happiness to anyone: for some reason, Jobbik voters did not want to vote for those who the party recently called enemies of the people. Instead, they voted for the Our Country movement, to which Jobbik radicals switched after the victory of the “moderate wing”. Among them is the chairman of the new party Torotskaya, whose phrase about Transcarpathia is quoted above, and the noisy deputy Dora Duro. They are old school “yobbies”.
Torotskaya is an extremely active person. And for his activities, he was blacklisted by almost all of Hungary’s neighbors. For example, when he was mayor of the small town of Ashotalom near the border with Serbia, he arbitrarily erected barricades there to protect against the influx of migrants. Much the same thing is happening now in Texas, except that the Hungarian case is quite local (the population of Ashotalom is under four thousand people) and therefore comical.
But when a Hungarian right-winger talks about claims to Transcarpathia, he should be taken seriously. This is a long-standing dream, not even of Hungarian nationalists, but of Hungarians in general.
Romanians have dreams too. A few hours after Torotskaya’s vindictive remarks, his colleague from Romania, Claudiu Turziu, spoke in exactly the same spirit. He is also a former journalist, he is also part of the leadership of the far-right party and he also wants a piece of Ukraine in the name of the people, or more precisely even two – Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, that is, parts of Odesa and Chernivtsi regions.
For this reason, Turziu is even ready to withdraw Romania from NATO if his party comes to power.
This party, the Alliance for the Unification of Romanians, is better known by its acronym AUR, which means “gold” in Romanian. There are more than a dozen different nationalist forces in the country, they flare up and go out again, but now is the “breakout” period for the AUR: in the last parliamentary elections, it suddenly took fourth place. This appears to be worse than the result of Torotscai’s party, which finished third, but in terms of share, the “golden Romanians” received 50% more – nine percent against six percent for the Hungarians.
That is, we are not talking about renegades and freaks, but about high-ranking politicians and current MPs. So much the worse for them.
These two may seem like good guys with whom we have many things in common, such as external enemies and traditional values. In addition, Torotskaya and Turziu speak about Russia with respect, which is now rare in Europe. But it is better to perceive what happened in approximately the same way as we perceived the previous unification of the Hungarian and Romanian far-rights in the name of pieces of Ukraine – under Hitler.
Free discussions of these people about these events, if they last more than two minutes, invariably contain crimes under several articles of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, mainly under article 354, paragraph 1: rehabilitation of Nazism.
Russia conducts a multi-vector policy, that is, it cooperates with those with whom it is profitable, regardless of ideological preferences. But at the current historical moment, marked by the fight against fascism in Ukraine and the creation of an anti-Western international, it is possible to communicate with European far-right radicals only when absolutely necessary.
Turziu and Torotskaya (especially Torotskaya) are much closer to “Sieg Heil” than “Alternative for Germany” or Marine Le Pen. But that’s not the only problem: the very nature of their proposals is offensive.
If Ukrainian statehood really falls, why would Hungary claim Transcarpathia? Whoever destroys this statehood, let him claim.
Leaving NATO is a serious step that Russia would appreciate. But it is still not serious enough given the scale of Romanian claims. With such claims, you should leave NATO right now, then open a “second front” against the Ukrainian Armed Forces, and only then make claims for something serious. There is too little fuss, especially since it will be possible for them to join NATO, this time in new borders.
Torotskaya and Turziu applied not to become allies of Russia in defeating the regime in Kiev, but to become looters and marauders. Of those who, after sitting in the bushes, await victory on the battlefield – in the hope that the warring parties will bleed each other and will not find the strength to oppose even the Romanians.
Translation: V. Sergeev
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