by Antonio Carbonelli * –
In the first article I wrote for this magazine, four years ago now, I accounted for the fact that, somewhat similar to what happened in Germany in 1932, after the Tsipras government had betrayed the trust that the voters had in it given three times in 2015, Mitsotakis became head of the government, described by the press as a convinced liberal, trained at Harvard and Stanford, after having promised to revive the economy through tax cuts and streamlining of bureaucracy, according to a model that could have an impact on health, education and public administration.
And I pointed out that the liberal economic theology, theorized by Mises in 1922 and by Hayek in 1960, and advocated today by the Mont Pèlerin Society and by the institutions connected to it, translates essentially into three factors of patrimonial inequality, even surprising, in their simplicity: a) destruction of labor law and the union, to reduce the remuneration of work as much as possible, to the advantage of profits – b) gradual and progressive destruction of school, health and public pensions, to reduce taxation as much as possible to who has more. Who makes money? Who is going to pay less taxes. Who loses? Those who cannot afford a private school for their children, private health care for illnesses, a private pension for old age – c) destruction of law and of the state, so-called deregulation, both nationally and internationally, in everything prevents the bigger fish from devouring the smaller fish.
These days, the press outlets are reporting on the fact that Alexis Tsipras has resigned from his post as secretary of Syriza’s party, after the clear defeat recorded by the main left-wing party in the parliamentary elections of 25 June, in which Syriza obtained 17% of the votes. And that Mitsotakis’ Nea Dimokratia Party instead obtained 40.52% of the votes and 158 of the 300 seats that make up Parliament, achieving the goal of an absolute majority.
The citizens summoned to the polls confirmed the verdict already issued in the elections of 21 May, when the conservatives had won with 40% of the votes, doubling Syriza’s party, stopped at 20: but a month earlier the vote had been held with a different electoral system, a pure proportional system that had caused the Conservatives to lack an absolute majority by a few seats. Thus Mitsotakis – counting on the majority premium for the first party foreseen by the new electoral law approved by himself – had decided not to undertake talks to form a coalition and had paved the way for a return to the polls. A gamble that ultimately paid off, despite the fact that the turnout has collapsed compared to May.
The major reforms will proceed rapidly, Mitsotakis announced, as soon as he learned the result of the vote: and in liberal language, reform always and only means continuation of the path of implementation of the liberal design.
But even more significant is the statement of former Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis: Worst of all is the dirge of the left, which has failed to prevent the transformation of anger into a far-right current.
So, good result. And the Greek laboratory is susceptible to expansive force: Noam Chomsky has repeatedly pointed out that in the USA the anger of the middle and lower classes has brought, and continues to bring, votes to Trump’s GOP (great old party), for the absence of policies in their favor by the DEMs (democrats).
But a combination of a majority premium, an outright majority of seats in a single-party parliament, moderate parties failing to address the factors of asset inequality, and popular discontent pouring into right-wing parties is likely to pave the way. sooner or later, to liberal reforms in other European countries as well.
* Employment lawyer and philosopher in Brescia.
