Home » World » “Gallup”: Historically high levels of distrust of the president at the end of the mandate – 2024-09-06 11:40:39

“Gallup”: Historically high levels of distrust of the president at the end of the mandate – 2024-09-06 11:40:39

/ world today news/ Usual mistrust of the parliament and the government and historical mistrust of the president marked the end of the Borisov and Plevneliev mandates. This shows a summary sociological portrait of attitudes towards government, parliament and president prepared by Gallup International.

Historically high levels of distrust in the president and habitually high levels of distrust in parliament and government. This is the brief assessment of the ending mandate – according to the sociological portrait that “Gallup International” traditionally makes. These days, this sociological portrait also appears in a special book by Gallup International.

At the end of its mandate, the parliament permanently enjoyed positive ratings among around 20% or less of Bulgarians of legal age and negative ratings among over 70%. The picture regarding the government looks a little more favorable – with around and below 30% average positive ratings in recent months and around and above 60% – negative. In terms of levels of trust, the outgoing parliament and government look better compared to the “Oresharski” mandate, but without the enthusiasm in support – as there was in Borisov’s first mandate.

In the last months before the presidential elections, trust in the president fluctuated in shares of about a quarter of the respondents, and distrust – about two-thirds. Thus, the presidential institution recorded historically high levels of mistrust during the “Plevneliev” mandate. Such a persistent negative situation in the president’s approval ratings was last fixed at the end of the term of President Zhelyu Zhelev. Of course, comparing different mandates must take into account the fact that in different historical periods the situation differs significantly.

Asked to choose between trust and distrust in a given institution, Bulgarians continue to declare rather negative assessments – often even out of inertia.

For most of the mandate, confidence in the parliament and the government remained relatively stable. Against the background of the previous mandate of Boyko Borisov, however, the levels of trust this time naturally remained without particular enthusiasm.

The victory in the local elections in the fall of 2015 gave a psychological “bonus” support for the authorities, respectively for the government. The loss in the presidential elections in the fall of 2016 had the opposite effect. It clearly had a negative impact on the Prime Minister’s personal rating as well. Boyko Borisov started the new year with 25% confidence and 61% distrust.

Detailed demographic analysis shows that trust in authority is consistently higher in groups with higher income and education. Disapproval of Parliament is widespread. This is not new in the Bulgarian political process. Over the years, this institution clearly focused the negative attitude towards the Bulgarian political process as a whole. Of course, among the electorates of the governing formations, the attitude towards the parliament contains more positive assessments, but even there they do not prevail.

In the last year, trust in Tsetska Tsacheva – Speaker of the National Assembly – hovered around 20%, and distrust – around 65%.

The mandate of President Plevneliev developed against the background of a complex political situation, and this was clearly unfavorable for the popularity of the institution. 2013 saw the first tangible drop in confidence in the president. Then Rosen Plevneliev supported one of the parties in the large-scale public discussion on the occasion of the protests against Plamen Oresharski’s cabinet and lost the support of the opposite party.

In the autumn of 2015, a referendum on the introduction of electronic voting was held, which was initiated with the main participation of President Plevneliev. Perhaps this was one of the circumstances that led to a temporary decline in distrust. An additional role was clearly played by the fact that in the local elections held parallel to the referendum, GERB won – the party that nominated Plevneliev (although during the course of the mandate between him and GERB, differences appeared). Such “bonuses” of support were characteristic of an election situation.

In the months since the end of the mandate, Vice President Margarita Popova enjoyed twenty percent positive ratings and over 60% negative ones.

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