Israel’s military in Gaza seeks to achieve four interrelated goals. The IDF has already begun what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on October 28 called the “second stage” of the war – the ground invasion of Gaza. He warned that this phase would be “difficult and long” and, according to the Economist, he is right.
Israel’s leadership, political and military, must constantly strive and achieve the perfect balance between these four goals, as failure in one of them can lead to the collapse of the rest.
The destruction of Hamas is one way
The first objective – military – is the destruction of Hamas. For the past three weeks the battle has focused on eliminating the group’s military infrastructure and killing its leadership and as many of its men as possible. The Palestinian organization’s massive attack on Israeli lands and the killing of hundreds of civilians is something that cannot be accepted by the political and military leadership, which cannot continue to hold a stand-off against Hamas, which has been held in a tolerable level, receiving financial rewards and having the threat of Israeli attack hanging over her head.
The issue, after October 7, is practical. As long as Hamas is in power, Israelis will not feel safe. Many of the thousands who fled the south will not return home. Another reason is tactical. Hamas humiliated Israeli intelligence and the Israeli military. To reduce the chances of similar attacks by other organizations, the country must restore its deterrent capability. The last reason is strategic. With Hamas in charge in Gaza, there can be no peace process. The conflict between Israel and the Palestinians will continue, at the expense of – mainly – the residents of Gaza, who will be bombarded on the one hand and live under the dictatorship of Hamas on the other.
The critical factor “hostages”
Israel’s second goal is to free more than 220 people who have been taken back to Gaza as hostages. This objective is likely to hinder the progress of the battles. Hamas appears to be using the promise of the hostage release to delay the expansion of the Israeli ground offensive. He is likely to try to influence Israeli tactics now that troops are inside Gaza, in the hope that the invading forces will be contained.
The government in Jerusalem does not have a free hand on the hostage issue. Their importance is high in Israeli politics because their friends and families fear that, without public pressure, Israeli leaders will not achieve their full exchange and, possibly, there will be sacrifices. On October 28, the morning after the biggest incursion into Gaza to date, families protested the dangers of fighting for the hostages’ survival.
Decisive losses of soldiers and civilians
The third objective is to minimize casualties – both of Israeli soldiers and Palestinian civilians. If many Israeli soldiers are killed, it could jeopardize the entire Israeli operation. As civilian casualties mount, so will international pressure for both humanitarian pauses and a full ceasefire. In the past such factors have led Israel to move hard and fast, knowing that time for fighting is limited. Today, however, the goal is to destroy the Hamas tunnel network, and that will take many months.
However, time flies, already, quite quickly. Civilians in Gaza are being killed, on the one hand, by Israeli bombardment, and on the other hand, those who survive are trapped in the siege tactics, which deprive them of energy supplies. Israel is trying to boost its bargaining power for the release of the hostages by blocking fuel from entering the strip, as it believes the hospital’s generators provide the electricity needed to ventilate and light the maze of Hamas tunnels where they are holed up. its fighters. Thus, it encourages the mass movement of citizens to the south of the Strip, where the bombing is less intense. As is easily understood, the terrible conditions created by all of this in the Strip pose a serious threat to the lives of citizens.
Israeli officials acknowledge that the ground offensive, which they describe as a “maneuver,” must operate under international law and that that law requires them to facilitate civilian access to basic supplies. For the war to continue, Israel will therefore have to find ways to help, even if this makes it difficult to destroy Hamas and free the hostages.
Foundations for permanent stability in the Middle East
The final goal is to lay the groundwork for the resumption of work in the Middle East for an eventual peace, a process that has been bogged down for years. Right now the idea of a post-war deal between Israel and the Palestinians in East Jerusalem, Gaza and the West Bank is “unthinkable” to many on both sides, but Israeli generals believe the prospect of real peace is necessary for it to emerge permanent stability.
This will require the support of some Arab governments, most likely those that have become closer to Israel under the “Abraham Covenants. And Washington will play its part in that direction, pressuring them to provide cash and diplomatic support. Some even imagine that the Arab states will also provide security to Gaza after Israel’s withdrawal.
According to the Economist, in a sense, several Arab governments are on Israel’s side, although they would never admit it publicly. They loathe Hamas and its sponsor, Iran, and would be happy to see it fail. But civilian deaths cause problems in their attitude. Western governments are also nervous. More than half of the hostages hold foreign passports and are concerned about the radicalization of their own Muslim populations.
The Economist concludes, saying that Israel’s land enterprise is trying to achieve a lot – more, perhaps, than expected. For now, the country’s quarterbacks look like they’re trying to square all the circles by going slow and hitting as hard as they can. According to the British media, they have the power to do it, but they will find it difficult to accomplish everything that is asked of them. And they might be asked to choose what they want most.
Source: First Theme
