Participant in the governance of Bulgaria at the beginning of the century and one of the closest people to the tsar during the rule of the NDSV, appeared on the screen for the first time in many years to dust today’s politicians.
The decision of the assembly for constitutional changes is barren and did not lead to anything good, commented to BNT the former deputy prime minister and professor of criminal law at Sofia University – Prof. Plamen Panayotov.
Asked if it was wrong for the so-called “assembly” to start with changes to the Constitution instead of solving the most pressing problems, Prof. Panayotov answered:
“What not only I, but also other colleagues of mine said in advance – that what is being prepared is ultimately unconstitutional, turned out to be a fact after the decision of the Constitutional Court. What they united around, came out a futile decision, not leading to anything good, neither for the judiciary nor for the state. It resulted in even greater chaos and now we are waiting to see how far it will go,” said Plamen Panayotov.
According to the professor of criminal law, we need to realize more generally what has been happening in the last 3 years.
“In my opinion, parties do not behave like parties. The main purpose of any party, even more so when it is represented in parliament, has to do with the question of power. And depending on the vote of the voters, either alone or together with other political entities, to exercise the power.
Society expects them to know if they want to and be able to form the necessary coalition, because it is obvious to all of us that no party gets an independent opportunity to exercise power. Therefore, they are forced to find common points of contact, on the basis of which they can form a government and give guidelines to the Bulgarian society and the Bulgarian state as to where we are going.”
When asked why the judicial system is always used as the dividing line between the parties, the professor replied:
“For the simple reason that everything that is presented to us is a big demagoguery. Because if a person thinks about it, he will understand that the first institution in the country, because it is in complete chaos, in disorder, cannot broadcast after 7 consecutive parliamentary elections, a regular cabinet that would have a sufficient horizon of 4 years, and now they are preparing us for the eighth consecutive extraordinary parliamentary elections.
If we judge objectively, what is presented to us – these people are to the greatest extent to blame for the fact that the Supreme Judicial Council has a long-expired mandate, that the inspectorate of the Supreme Judicial Council has a long-expired mandate, that over 20 regulatory bodies, in which the Bulgarian Parliament has a quota, also stand with expired mandates and with the impossibility of functioning themselves in the relevant horizon.
More generally, if the first institution under the Constitution in the country does not function normally, it also affects all other institutions in the country.”
Regarding the election of the chief prosecutor, Prof. Panayotov commented:
“I will recall the following that the current Supreme Judicial Council not only elected, but subsequently released the former chief prosecutor. Let’s imagine the following, even the question is rhetorical in my opinion. That after all, in this parliament or the next one, after the eighth in a row extraordinary parliamentary elections, or in the next one, a ruling majority is nevertheless formed, and it broadcasts its quota in a new Supreme Judicial Council. What can we think of this newly elected Supreme Judicial Council, once through it the goal that and officially declared by most heads of political entities to date, is to control the organs of the judiciary.
Obviously, even so, the newly elected SJC will find a way through the parliament with relevant amendments to the Judiciary Act to raise the question again, even if the only candidate for chief prosecutor is currently elected, whether there are grounds for his dismissal. In other words, the struggle for power without taking responsibility for it continues, claiming that one or the other body is illegitimate. And to whom is this illegitimacy due? Let’s ask rhetorically again.”
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