After much fuss, Congress began its extraordinary session period to approve the reform package that Javier Milei sent to deal – this time – through legislative means. Regarding the projects that should be discussed, however, there is still no news. The issues are known, such as the restitution of income tax payments for workers and the reform of the Statebut not the fine print. Not even the pro-government deputies and senators know what the Executive will send them to work during the summer –“No one tells us anything”, they complained in La Libertad Avanza days ago. Even so, they hope to arrive prepared for when the texts arrive: the negotiation for the formation of the commissions is arduous, but in Deputies they hope to have everything ready to start working on Thursday. In parallel, Peronism is preparing to fight its own battle against the DNU, coordinating strategies with the CGT to find the best way to reject the deregulatory decree as soon as possible.
“The deputies and senators will have to choose between supporting what the people have voted for, the Argentina that we want for good people and without the weight of the State, or continuing to obstruct this change and put a damper on what the majority of us want.” . The warning from the presidential spokesperson, Manuel Adorniduring the press conference did not go down well in Congress, where the title of the projects that should have begun to be discussed on Tuesday is barely known. “Congress cannot obstruct laws that have not yet been passed. Stop inventing enemies and let’s find, together, a way to get ahead,” he responded, annoyed, the deputy of the Civic Coalition, Paula Oliveto, exemplifying the bad mood that circulates in several opposition and allied offices. It began with Javier Milei’s refusal to speak to the Legislative Assembly during his inauguration, it exploded with the presentation of the mega DNU and, finally, it increased in recent days with the rush to deal, in extraordinary cases, an agenda of projects that do not yet exist and, at the same time, considerably “lighter” than the reforms included in the DNU.
The project of Profits, which promises to restore the tax for the fourth category, is, however, the one that is generating the most internal discussions. The initiative has the support of the governors of Together for Change and, therefore, of the legislators who respond to him in Congress. “We always said that the reform was irresponsible. The problem will be with Milei in any case,” warn the PRO and Radicalism, from where, in effect, they voted against the reform that Sergio Massa had promoted during the presidential campaign ( unlike Milei who voted in favor and who is now fighting to restore it).
To advance with this initiative LLA requires the support of 129 deputies and 37 senators, that is, an absolute majority. With the support of the PRO, the radical bench, Cambia Federal -led by Miguel Ángel Pichetto- and the Civic Coalition, LLA could approve the reform. They would be very fair, however, so the president of the Chamber, Martin Menemand the head of the official bench, Oscar Zago, They bet on bringing positions closer to the two provincial benches: We do for a Country and Federal Innovation. In LLA they know that the governors They need to increase their collection and that, given that Profits is co-shareable, they are the main interested parties in going back on the September reform. Several, however, have already come out to distance themselves, such as the Socialist Party or Alberto Weretilneck from Rio Negro.
Before reaching that stage, however, the initiative has to be debated in the Budget Commission, whose formation is a true battlefield. The presidency was, by personal decision of Javier Milei himself, in the hands of José Luis Espert. That is to say, for the first time in a long time, the presidency of the Budget Committee will be in the hands of an ally and not an official. “The government’s priority is zero deficit, it is very different from the imposed increase that the crazy Kicillof is making. If Javier Milei increases taxes it is to achieve zero deficit and then lower them,” he was quick to defend the initiative Espert, while entering the Annex of the Chamber of Deputies to hold various meetings.
The reality is that, beyond the appointment of the President, there is still much to be defined. Menem had reached an agreement with Germán Martínez (Unión por la Patria) and Cristian Ritondo (PRO) to form the commissions according to the D’Hondt mechanism by blocs: an agreement that soon proved contrary to the interests of the ruling party itself. For now, the mechanism holds, which means that Peronism would have 40 percent of the composition of each commission. For example, in the Budget, it would have 20 of the 49 deputies that make it up. That is to say that, by allying with some of the provincial blocks that enter into the distribution, could block some of the libertarian projects. It will be defined, however, on Thursday: LLA plans to convene, for that day, the four commissions that will work during January. That is, Budget, General Legislation, Constitutional Affairs and Foreign Relations.
The agenda of Peronism
Unión por la Patria, meanwhile, maintains its own agenda: the battle against the DNU. “The call for extraordinary elections is a distraction maneuver, because the central issue is the DNU,” said the head of the Senate bench, José Mayans, after a meeting with representatives of the CGT, the CTA and the mother of Plaza de Mayo, Taty Almeida. For Peronism, the extraordinary agenda is lights of artifice: It is the DNU that summarizes Milei’s adjustment plan and it is the DNU that must be tried to be rejected in the facility as soon as the number is achieved (see separate).
