The confrontation, the rejection of the limits to his administration and a weakening of the democratic system mark Bukele’s first year as President of the Republic. In 365 days, it brought about hard blows but also constant affront to democracy.
A year ago, in front of a crowded Gerardo Barrios square in the center of the capital, Nayib Armando Bukele Ortez he was sworn in as the President of the Republic, after having obtained 53.1% of the votes on February 3.
That day, in front of hundreds of citizens, he promised to “turn the post-war page”, consistent with his line of discourse during the campaign that revolved around breaking the polarization of the last 30 years, in which the country was governed by presidents of two parties, ARENA and the FMLN.
Likewise, Bukele He made an even bolder promise: “I will not be president of those who voted for me. Nor will I be the president of a sector, the president of a group, much less the president of a political party. I will be the president of all Salvadorans, “he said, adding:” I will represent each one of you. “
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One year later, reality contrasts with his triumphant words. In this period, he has not only led some of the most alarming episodes of institutional weakening, but he has also belittled political dialogue and reneged controls on his management.
The post-war end he proposed that day looks very much like the governments of yesteryear, with a growing role for the Armed Forces, closed to criticism and the press, and defying court decisions.
Democratic attitudes
Evaluating a government not only involves studying its effectiveness and the results of its policies, but also its reviews of its democratic behavior and its way of handling disagreements with both opposition forces and other powers. Therefore, the first point that Diario de Hoy evaluates in this first year of management how the president has brought disagreements and limits to his mandate. A country that supports the breakdown of the institutional system in order to achieve results makes a dangerous bet that generally leaves it vulnerable to the establishment of harsh authoritarianism.
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“A Democratic Setback”
When consulted by this means, the Executive Director of Acción Ciudadana, Eduardo Escobar, was blunt: “I would describe this year as a democratic setback”, because “instead of strengthening the institutional framework, he has made every effort to weaken and discredit it” .
The lawyer explains that Bukele has tried to exceed the democratic rules that rest on the division of powers, has sought to exceed his powers and annul other bodies.
Rodolfo González, former magistrate of the Constitutional Chamber, agrees that there have been efforts to interfere with the powers of other powers and attitudes of “giving reason to worry about the stability of our democratic regime.”
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The expert in constitutional law sees “a clear authoritarian tendency” that the president tries to soften with his powerful communication and propaganda apparatus, which has disguised attempts to ignore the limits to his power as obstacles to his effort to save lives.
The president quickly went from offering “to represent all Salvadorans” to accusing his critics of “being on the side of death” (when they questioned his security policies) or “of the virus” (when they asked questions about the response to the COVID-19 crisis).
He gave a sample button on September 21, when the country faced a spike in homicides. When faced with questions, he stated on his Twitter account: “They only serve to criticize and look for defects. They suck, know it. Thank God and they are only 4% ”.
This, according to the lawyer and public policy expert Leonor Selva, shows a “confrontational discourse and little willingness to dialogue.” This is aggravated when their interests collide with the established laws or processes, which they try to “skip”, explains this jurist.
This lawyer attributes this trend to her “lack of experience in handling the public sphere, poor legal advice and a resistance to ‘feeling limited’ by the institutions.”
Along the same lines, the coordinator of justice processes of the UCA Human Rights Institute (Idhuca), Arnau Baulenas, expressed his criticism that Bukele has attacked the institutions that have made decisions that “he did not like” or have limited his power. “Democracy are checks and balances,” recalls Baulenas, who says that “if the president had a democratic attitude, he would respect those kinds of decisions.
Beyond 9F
It’s not just big hits that weaken democracies. Sometimes they are undermined by apparently milder but repeated acts. Some of those are evident in Bukele’s first year. The weakening of the free press, with preventing journalists from accessing conferences, withdrawing guidelines from critical media, the intimidation of the presidential guard against photojournalists and the constant attack by its supporters who ask questions, the constant tone of mockery against their opponents, He has told those who “disgust” and minimizes and ridicules them. In addition, he has not censored the insults, threats and insults of some who applaud him on social networks. His rhetoric of “people”, in which he suggests that he is questioned is to be against the entire country, and not part of the citizen exercise of monitoring power. For this reason, the first point that El Diario de Hoy evaluates in this first year of management is how the president has brought disagreements and limits to its mandate. A country that supports the breakdown of the institutional system in order to achieve results makes a dangerous bet that generally leaves it vulnerable to the establishment of harsh authoritarianism.
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The toughest affront to democracy
In his first year, Bukele has starred in at least three episodes of serious democratic weakening. The first, and most notorious, is the military takeover of Congress on February 9. This was, as he himself admitted, a way of putting pressure on deputies to approve a loan.
In the opinion of the jurists consulted by El Diario de Hoy, this represented the largest attack on democracy since the peace accords, an attempt to annul a state organ and an improper use of the Armed Forces that breaks the spirit of a non-deliberative body acquired with the signature of peace.
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Selva even denounces that Bukele has returned to the armed institution “a tool of political intimidation”. This was notorious for the infamous 9F.
The second blow was less visible, but equally troubling. The Constitutional Chamber ordered that arrests of Salvadorans be stopped just for violating mandatory quarantine, and the president said in a tweet that he would not abide by the ruling. In addition, he accused the magistrates of ordering the death of Salvadorans.
Although this announcement did not have the visual and media component of the 9F, no government had thus disobeyed a mandate from the Constitutional Chamber.
Finally, on May 16, the president usurped legislative functions and unilaterally issued a State of Emergency to attend COVID-19. With this, he went beyond his duties and set a delicate precedent for excess power.
This was temporarily annulled by the Constitutional Chamber. This court has already said that it cannot skip the legislative authority for this type of decree.
Not only are they great blows …
Democracy is not only weakened by serious acts. It is possible that more devious blows to the system they come from seemingly smaller actions but they corrode it systematically.
In Bukele’s first year, this is evident in at least three areas: demagogic rhetoric, his attitude towards the free press, and his ignorance of critical voices.
As Eduardo Escobar of Acción Ciudadana says, the president abuses the ideas of “god, the people and the army.”
This seems to be part of the populist manual, he explains, and he instrumentalizes these 3 figures to say that opposing him means opposing the well-being of a country and the design of a divine being (in a country with a large believing majority).
Furthermore, as stated before, it uses the Army as its operational arm, says Leonor Selva.
As for the press, the discomfort of the president’s journalistic exercise is visible. In one year, he has withdrawn the guideline from critical media, his presidential guard amended a photojournalist and forced him to delete his material, he has prevented journalists from critical media from accessing some of his press conferences and those who ask questions constantly meet with mobs of digital stalkers whom the President has never censured for the sake of tranquility.
Nor has he mediated to lower the spirits of characters close to his management who openly denigrate and insult his opponents. And these behaviors were even reported by one of its great allies: the United States government.
Finally, the President does not know, ridicules and makes accusations, sometimes unfounded, to those who are critical of his administration. This narrative of you versus us is completely at odds with its promise to rule for all. Bukele is permissive with his close ones and those who applaud them (like the unionists who broke the quarantine on May 1 to show him his support, without any consequences), but severe with his critics.
This undermines and threatens a democracy as much as a 9F did, but it tends to go unnoticed even though it has happened more regularly…
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