It’s that easy: Hans-Georg Maassen, the head of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, tweets at 8.31 in the morning, just hours after the attack in Hanau: “Socialist logic: perpetrators are always right, victims are always left more to deal with Stalin, Mao, Pol Pot, Ulbricht … “Later he added that that wasn’t what Hanau was all about.
The fact is that the morning after the attack with eleven dead, directed against two bars, the former President of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution is concerned with the classification of terrorists. For Maassen, the background of the perpetrator of Hanau is not primarily right-wing radical, but a “self-made ideology” with at most right-wing extremist “set pieces”.
It is an old misunderstanding that right-wing terrorists must be tightly organized, militarily trained and with a clear ideological structure. Just like the left-wing extremist Red Army Faction (RAF), which received training from the PLO in Lebanon and wrote pages-long letters of confession. But that’s not how the right works.
Authorities have long dismissed such violent right-wing radicals as “spinners”
Right-wing radical attackers have already gone off alone, felt like lonely wolves. “It’s wolf time,” wrote the right-wing forester Heinz Lembke in 1981, who hoarded 50 bazookas and 258 hand grenades in his weapon depots. He preferred to hang himself rather than talk. Law enforcement officers and the police have long dismissed such violent right-wing radicals as “spinners” that are not to be taken seriously, as “old unteachers”, as “gunmen”.
The Bavarian Prime Minister Franz Josef Strauß declared in 1979 that “men who” walk through Franconian forests in a battledress with a paddock “should be left alone”. Strauß said the radical right-wing military sports group Hoffmann, whose sympathizer Gundolf Köhler detonated a bomb at the Munich Oktoberfest a year later: 13 dead, 200 injured. Köhler was also dismissed as a lone offender, as a nerd afflicted with lovesickness.
For a long time, German society was under the illusion that the problem would soon be solved biologically. The leaders of the DVU, the Republicans, and the NPD were old men who, like Franz Schönhuber, still boasted of having been with the Waffen SS. But in the 1990s at the latest, groups willing to use violence began to form in the east, then also in the west, and comradeships, which found their political home in the increasingly radical NPD. The NPD moved into the state parliaments of Saxony and Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. Politicians startled, tried to ban the NPD, which failed. The right-wing radicals settled in the villages. In Western Pomerania there are now artisans who only offer apprenticeships to “nationally minded” young people and building contractors who advertise with Germanic runes.
perpetrators name
The Southgerman newspaperin this edition refrains from giving the surname of the suspected murderer of Hanau; therefore only Tobias R. is mentioned, although the full name is known. The majority of the media in Germany consider it similar. As in comparable cases, we do not want to offer a forum for perpetrators who hope to gain fame among like-minded people through their crimes. In addition, law enforcement agencies would anticipate a full name for the investigation. SZ
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How strong the right-wing structures are can be seen in the trial against the murder gang of the NSU. Ten murders have not shaken the scene. Unobtrusive citizens, clerks, entrepreneurs and educators stood before the court as witnesses and formed a phalanx of silence. The main defendant Beate Zschäpe was also silent. Nevertheless, the process was able to show how much the NSU’s murderers were supported by the scene. The NSU is now considered a role model, the assassins Uwe Mundlos and Uwe Böhnhardt as a martyr.
Even right-wing police officers refer to the NSU, who also murdered a colleague of theirs. Just a few weeks after the verdict, the personal data of the lawyer Seda Basay-Yildiz was retrieved without cause in a Frankfurt police station. Shortly thereafter, the lawyer received a fax from an “NSU 2.0” that threatened to murder her daughter. Sender: Uwe Böhnhardt, the dead terrorist. The lawyer represented a victim family in the NSU trial. Hesse’s police assume that officers from the police station are the culprits. The silent.
In Hesse alone last year, 38 investigations were carried out against police officers for right-wing activities. A former police sniper was just convicted in Schwerin for illegally hoarding 60,000 rounds of ammunition. A friend of this man, a radical right-wing lawyer, kept death lists with local politicians that had to be eliminated on Day X. A Bundeswehr officer has acquired a second identity as a refugee and has obtained a weapon. The federal prosecutor accuses him of preparing a serious crime that threatens the state, an assassination attempt – disguised as an asylum seeker against Germans.
You don’t need a leader, you don’t need a leader anymore
Last Friday, a group of twelve right-wing radicals was excavated around Werner S. from Augsburg, the “Group S.” She is said to have agreed to storm mosques and shoot Muslims in prayer. The right wing wanted to trigger conditions similar to civil war. The members of the “Revolution Chemnitz”, right-wing radicals who are currently on trial in Dresden, wanted exactly the same thing.
The civil war is the goal of all these extremists. The concept goes back to the “Turner Diaries” by the American author William L. Pierce, it is the Bible of the right-wing violent offenders. Pierce wrote that there had to be a racial war, a final struggle between the whites and everyone else. For this he propagates the concept of leaderless resistance. Everyone strikes at the place where they stand with the means they have. You don’t need a leader, you don’t need a leader anymore. Just like in Hanau, in Halle, in Kassel.
This right undercurrent has grown stronger in recent years. Because those who are ready to use violence now feel heard, understood. When neo-Nazis used to talk about German “death” because migrant families supposedly had more children than Germans, they were laughed at. When they spoke of the “population exchange” that the government was supposed to plan, foreigners instead of Germans, they were alone. But now these conspiracy theories are also heard in German parliaments. There is a constant demand that the German people must defend themselves against their government. Violent perpetrators then feel legitimized to do just that: to defend themselves with gun violence.
These people feel the mood change. They experience that folk ideas actually penetrate into society. And suddenly they no longer feel like a cranky minority, but more or less like the military arm of an ethnic movement.
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