A new chapter opens for transatlantic relations, after the four tumultuous years of the Trump administration. China, increasingly offensive, less and less respectful of international legality, ultimately represents an eminently greater threat to the values carried by the European Union than the unilateralism of the Trump presidency and its commercial threats against it. ‘Europe. This is why, despite the disenchantment of public opinion, coordination had continued and even deepened on sensitive subjects such as critical technologies and cybersecurity. China’s strategy within international institutions has attracted common attention. Contrary to what one sometimes reads, network security was and remains a concern as much European as American, and not a simple question of political alignment. France found itself in tune with the United States in Syria, while the latter supported France in the Sahel. The two countries put forward policies for the Indo-Pacific which are today joined by the Europeans.
The two shores of the Atlantic are getting closer
Today, transatlantic relations are returning to normal, with clear declarations of intent. However, this is not enough to forge a unity of views and action. For the United States, a Europe that is more economic than geopolitical too often gives way to mercantilism and short-term interests. Maintaining Nord Stream 2 with Russia through thick and thin falls into this category. The insufficient defense effort (and also of mutualisation and employment doctrine) in Europe, sometimes rightly, feeds a hypocrisy lawsuit against it. For Europe, the United States is abusing extraterritorial legislation, hardly new in principle but increasingly onerous in its effects. The technology denials of recent years concerning China would have too many exceptions in favor of American companies. And the fear of a withdrawal from the United States has not entirely disappeared.
And yet, faced with the disturbing forms that the rise of China is taking, the two shores of the Atlantic are getting closer. Europe is endowing itself with constantly progressing trade and financial defense. On Russia and Iran, the American sanctions had mainly handicapped European economic players. For the first time, with China, measures taken on semiconductors are also weighing on American companies. And European companies are benefiting from the exclusion of their Chinese competitors in 5G.
European responses must be up to the task
Joe Biden’s first 100 days are marked by very strong initiatives. European responses must be up to the task, starting with those concerning China. Equidistance, balance, mediation, the refusal to participate in what would only be a Sino-American power rivalry are not tenable for Europe: even and especially if Chinese influencers thus present the future role of it. Because the multilateralist and “win-win” Chinese discourse can no longer hide a cult of the balance of power, emanating from the omnipotence of the Party and its leader. America is returning to the normal functioning of multilateral institutions, and is showing its willingness to work with its allies and partners.
Under these conditions, not to choose is all the same to choose, and thus to give preference to a world that is not only multipolar but fragmented. It is choosing a world where democracies are too divided to face the resurgence of totalitarianism and Chinese objectives going against our fundamental and common interests.
The American administration must regain the confidence of European opinions
China’s conception of international order is subordinate to its offensive interests and the defense of “stability” – in fact, the guarantee of security for all authoritarian regimes in the world. Its long-term project openly constitutes an alternative to the democratic values which are at the heart of European and American identity. Its systematic repression of the Uyghurs, qualified as genocide by the United States and by several Parliaments, considered as such by France and Canada, offends our conscience and confronts us with our history.
The choice facing France and Europe today is not between a world dominated by the United States or a world dominated by China. It is between a world where democracies are united and a world where democracies are divided facing an authoritarian model.
The American administration must regain the confidence of European opinions. Mitigation of economic conflicts of interest is essential. The European Union and its members must know how to address the American people, including those, very numerous and not just populists, who believe that Europe has had little regard for American spilled blood for thirty years. . It must also understand, beyond tax disputes, that the creation of a common digital space is a vital issue in relation to the huge Chinese and Indian markets.
“The separation of powers and the defense of the rule of law are common goods”
Alone, neither Europe nor the United States can build the new multilateral world and enforce its rules. While the United States and Europe have diverging commercial interests, our two continents largely share a value system. The separation of powers and the defense of the rule of law are common goods. We can only fight against the fragmentation of the world and its rules by enhancing our power of attraction together. With many apologies to Chancellor Bismarck and Henry Kissinger, it was not these strategists who made possible the advent of a free, democratic and open world. We must rediscover the historic optimism of the founders of modern democracy.
