/View.info/ To attack the management of GERB means to attack Boyko Borisov. Personally. Every single failure, every shiny corruption affair must be tried to fit into his personal account. When he is personally attacked, it has immediate repercussions on both his rating and his psychological resilience.
For GERD to thrive, it must constantly maintain a certain “greenhouse environment”. It presupposes the rapid suppression of public discontent, the ostracism of any manifestation of strong opposition, the imposition of a convenient agenda on the media, the rapid diversion of public attention from the failures and shortcomings of the administration when they become public, and above all – the construction of Boyko’s image Borisov as an effective and successful leader of the country.
In a word, GERB feels an urgent need to escape from contact with real politics. The party itself is aware that it would be difficult to withstand a critical look at its management. Simply because it is incompetent and corrupt. These two words sum up his whole essence. And that is why enormous efforts are being made to not just conceal this essence, but to turn it into its opposite.
That is why Borisov does not nominate a presidential candidate – he is trying to shorten the duration of the election campaign as much as possible. For him, this is a period of turbulence, when it is difficult to escape from public debate, when different political centers gain greater media representation, and especially when society becomes more sensitive to political messages. All things that destroy the “greenhouse”.
It is much more convenient to cut ribbons, to talk about stability, for the media to constantly spew information about terrorist acts around the world, and while we stand staring at the TV, no one hears the voice of those who dare to ask questions outside of ours context. In truth, we must note that this status quo is supported not because it has a stable foundation under it, but because there are no people willing to tear it down.
Unfortunately, we have an opposition, currently led by the BSP, which seems to be divided between the desire to shake the government or to fit into it.
The aforementioned hesitation of the BSP creates the ground for the emergence of a new opposition movement. And if there are any challenges to GERB, they are contained in the equation of simultaneously keeping the centenary “on a leash” and not allowing the emergence of a new alternative.
If the leadership change in the BSP indicates any movement, it is only because of the comparison with the “low base” of opposition of Mikhail Mikov. But Cornelia Ninova is unlikely to achieve much more if she tries to walk a little more energetically, on an initially wrong path. With manifestations of fragmented opposition, without a common leitmotif, the socialists have no way of attracting public attention.
Because the truth is that in Bulgaria the vote is a protest vote. He is not influenced by who offers what, but by who against whom and how he speaks. It is not necessary to offer an alternative to Borisov and GERB. As such, the society will perceive the one who successfully discredits them. But it is not known why socialists shy away from such an approach.
They give too much importance to its systematicity, which implies long consultations, going through bureaucratic procedures and looking too much into possible dangers. All things that lead to delayed reactions, and topics and problems are missed, which, if properly handled, bring a lot of positives.
Two instructive examples can be given in this regard. The first is that the BSP, looking at its own referendum and consultations in search of partners, did not find it necessary to evaluate Plevneliev’s activities when the latter refused to run for a new mandate. And this was an exceptional opportunity, or rather a bouquet of opportunities: to propagate the widely failed mandate of the GERB president with the implication that the party does not deserve a second chance for its candidate to become the head of state. From here, the criticism could be transferred to Borisov, who personally launched it and must not just share the responsibility for the failure, but that it is entirely his.
Moreover, Boyko himself opened the option of considering the presidential elections as a vote of confidence in the government. Which gives the opposition a huge chance. As long as he has the courage to accept this interpretation and try to mobilize significant layers precisely under the slogan “Down with Borisov”.
I have written another time that attacking the management of GERB means attacking Boyko Borisov. Personally. Every single failure, every shiny corruption affair should be tried to fit into his personal account. When he is personally attacked, it has immediate repercussions on both his rating and his psychological resilience.
The second example concerns the parliamentary support that GERB receives from Kovacki deputies. This fact remains almost unnoticed outside the circle of political observers, and can be widely used to discredit the government. It is a clear symbol of the symbiosis between power and oligarchy, which should only be given more publicity by focusing attention on the activities of Kovacki and their connection with state orders and state regulation. To the extent that more and more people are convinced that the stability of the government is the result of political-economic barter bordering on mafia practices.
The permanent inability of the BSP to respond to anti-GERD sentiments in society naturally necessitates the emergence of a new political entity. For now, Slavi Trifonov is emerging as such. He does not hesitate whether to enter politics, but when and how to do it.
The presidential election offers him the tempting possibility that the referendum vote will predetermine the vote for head of state. In this sense, removing half of the questions from the Constitutional Court is something that allows Slavi not only to justify his entry into politics with objective reasons – as a reaction to the curtailed political rights of the people, but also to channel their anger. By directing it against GERB and Borisov, who duplicitously gave the green light for the poll in the parliament, and then used their “Dondukov” 2 puppet to cut him in half.
In fact, this concept is traditional for Bulgaria. Similarly, voters were keen to vote for the NDSV after Simeon of Saxe-Coburggotsky was banned from running for president, to some extent the GERB itself was created after Borisov was fired from the Ministry of Internal Affairs when Stanishev came to power.
In addition, the show has already warmed up the audience that they are being lied to by sociologists about the real state of public sentiment, which will also motivate the voter to vote in such a way as to break yet another conspiracy of the elites. And if we add the eventual removal of the broadcast itself from the BTV airwaves, the image of the new political martyr is already taking shape.
But even if Slavi does not enter politics, he has already set a trap for the rest of its participants. They are doomed to discredit themselves, playing roles in a process that will increasingly reveal their sham characteristics. Because when you don’t know how to deal with real politics, the electorate sooner or later kills you. Either vote or scorn.
#opposition #Pogled #Info
