Commentary – Everything on Woidke? Too little against the AfD in the long run
Sun 22.09.24 | 21:45 | By Christoph Hölscher
Image: dpa/Sommer
The SPD declared the election a personal duel between “Woidke and the AfD” – and won. However, the victory comes primarily at the expense of its previous coalition partners. This is not a sustainable strategy to keep the AfD in check. By Christoph Hölscher
Woidke’s announcement that he would only remain prime minister if he won the election against the AfD ultimately proved to be a “game changer”: Even though many voters may have perceived this step as blackmail, the SPD’s poll ratings have risen steadily since then. In the end, it was enough to narrowly overtake the AfD – a close duel in which both parties crossed the finish line with a large lead over their competitors.
The focus of the SPD election campaign on the person of the popular Prime Minister made it possible, but it also pushed all parties except the AfD and BSW to historically low values. This applies not least to the previous coalition partners, the CDU and the Greens. In terms of numbers alone, the SPD’s position in any new government coalition would be stronger than before. However, after this election campaign that was completely tailored to Woidke, it will probably be difficult to restore trust and cohesion there.
Election campaign as a burden for government formation
A united and effective state government is probably necessary so that the election victory does not turn out to be a Pyrrhic victory in five years at the latest. With AfD and BSW, two populist parties could form the opposition in the future Brandenburg state parliament. That would not make constructive and objective work there any easier.
Especially since the AfD also benefited from the polarization in the election campaign and achieved its best result in history in Brandenburg: 30 percent of voters apparently had no problem giving their votes to a party that is sometimes openly right-wing extremist, racist and anti-democratic, because many now see it as a “party of the center.” And this despite the fact that the AfD did not mince its words, especially in the final phase of the election campaign, took increasingly extreme positions and openly relied on hate and incitement.
Keep AfD away from the levers of power
How can democracy be protected from these dangerous enemies? First, by distinguishing between voters and those elected: the extremist AfD politicians must be kept away from state offices and positions using all democratic and legal means. The AfD would only use any misunderstood concessions to undermine democratic institutions from within, to restructure them to suit its own purposes and to make them functional for its own purposes.
The argument that the AfD has a right to participate in power because of its good election results is as wrong as it is absurd: 70 percent voted for parties that expressly do not want to work with the AfD. Democracy here means above all complying with the will of this large majority, as long as the law does not stipulate otherwise.
Using social policies to attract AfD voters
Keeping the AfD away from the levers of power will not be enough to stop its further rise. The democratic parties must above all fight for the voters who voted for the AfD not because of, but despite, its right-wing extremist orientation. They must recognize and take seriously their problems, worries and fears – and make them convincing political offers without emulating the AfD’s inhumane agenda.
For the government of the old and probably new Prime Minister Dietmar Woidke, this means finally making good and social policies, effectively tackling problems such as rising energy and food prices, housing shortages, and a shortage of doctors and teachers. Betting everything on the popularity of the Prime Minister at the next state election in five years might not be enough to beat the AfD again.
Article by Christoph Hölscher
