With new protest actions and videos on social media, the opposition to the Reuzegom judgment is getting louder. Yet the lack of a central protest movement makes it difficult to enforce legal and social changes through public outcry.
“Am I even worth 400 euros in the eyes of the state?” A dark boy waved a protest sign under the Ghent city hall on Sunday afternoon. He himself was still in kindergarten when Sanda Dia died during the fateful student baptism in 2018, but his presence at the manifestation illustrates how much the Reuzegom case has become a symbolic file.
For the thousand people present in Ghent, the community service orders and fines for the convicted Reuzegommers are the result of a society in which financial resources and status influence the outcome of a trial. It is a point of view that is widely shared. Hundreds of demonstrators also demanded #JusticeforSanda in Bruges and Brussels last weekend. Next Wednesday, the Dutch action group Zwart Manifest, which fights against institutional racism, is organizing a demonstration in front of the Belgian embassy in The Hague. And videos with personal information about the convicts are increasingly being shared on social media.
No specific requirements
Sociologist Ruud Wouters, who researches protest at Tilburg University, understands why the anger persists. The Dia case brings together socially relevant themes such as racial inequality and the distrust of elites. Still, he fears it will be difficult to turn #JusticeforSanda into a major protest movement that will bring about large-scale change in the long run.
For the time being, there is no central point of contact that can set up actions and address the press if attention to the theme weakens. Growing into a full-fledged movement is also difficult if no concrete requirements have been formulated and, moreover, it is difficult to mobilize many activists due to the block period. “The protest can still grow if influential figures stand up who have a finger in the pie and can help incite the masses,” says Wouters. Except for CD&V chairman Sammy Mahdi, there are few top names in Wetstraat who feel like further fueling the discussion.
It will therefore not be easy to grow into a traditional protest movement, but as a movement #JusticeforSanda does find a secret weapon in the form of social media. Where trade unions used to call for collective action to come together, there is now ‘connective action’. Small and disorganized groups can be mobilized very quickly because they are connected through social media. “Information is spread much faster, but the disadvantage is that attention easily fades as soon as another problem arises.”
So the question is how long the online videos with the names of Reuzegommers will circulate, even though influential voices are important there too.
Video’s van Acid
YouTuber Nathan Vandergunst alias Acid has been one of the most famous opponents of the Reuzegom judgment since last week. In a video, he showed pictures of four ex-members of the sorority and mentioned their names. Two of them were not charged, but according to him they are partly responsible for the toxic culture in the student club.
It is a reproach that they do not accept: on Wednesday evening, both people in their twenties already sent a notice of default to Vandergunst. Wim De Colvenaer, who defends one of them, is considering possible next legal steps. The YouTuber does not want to be intimidated and, according to lawyer Walter Van Steenbrugge, will release a new video on Thursday.
The media smear between an influencer and some lawyers will not soon lead to the changes that the activists advocated last weekend. Nevertheless, Paul Marchal warns not to underestimate the power of the movement. He is the father of An, who was kidnapped by Marc Dutroux in 1995. In the aftermath of that affair, a huge protest movement arose and the police and judiciary were thoroughly reformed.
“I was first called the evil father when I expressed my dissatisfaction with the Dutroux case, but today the people are immediately standing up. People are more vocal now. At the time, it was exceptional to protest against established values.”
He also thinks it is important that the Reuzegom judgment is not simply put aside and that a discussion about class justice is appropriate. With an election looming, demonstrators can more easily get politicians around the table to discuss changes.
Marchal does not believe that the commotion surrounding the Reuzegommers will last forever, but the impact could nevertheless be significant. “Some young people are so touched by the story that they live on with it and in the meantime new groups are emerging that want to mean something to society. When something similar happens, they will protest again.”
For example, the Sanda Dia case can indeed bring about change, although activists may have to wait longer than they wish.
